Developments on Sri Lanka’s Chemmani Mass Grave and Accountability Efforts

Edited by: Wimal navaratnam, July 21, 2025

📌 Disclaimer

This publication includes detailed information regarding the discovery and investigation of mass graves in Sri Lanka, particularly Chemmani and related sites. The content draws from publicly available sources, eyewitness reports, judicial proceedings, and expert analysis current as of July 2025. It is intended for educational and awareness purposes only. While care has been taken to ensure factual accuracy, ongoing investigations may yield new findings that update or clarify these accounts.

The references to enforced disappearances, war crimes, and state responsibility reflect the perspectives and allegations made by victims, human rights advocates, and independent bodies. These statements do not constitute definitive legal judgments, and all individuals and institutions mentioned are presumed innocent unless proven guilty by due process. Readers are encouraged to consult primary sources, legal reports, and international human rights documentation for further context.

✍️ Editor’s Note: A Call for Justice

In the soil of Chemmani lie stories that were silenced for decades. From infants buried with schoolbags to parents lost in the night — each unearthed skeleton is a testimony to lives stolen and voices suppressed. But the earth has begun to speak again.

We urge Tamil readers and global allies to stay informed, engaged, and vigilant. The renewed excavations in Jaffna signal a crucial moment — not just for evidence, but for truth. Mass graves spanning the North and East of Sri Lanka represent a dark legacy, and the time has come to transform mourning into momentum.

Follow every development. Share these stories. Press your elected leaders, international organizations, and legal forums to pursue justice without delay. The silence of the past must not continue into the future.

The call is clear: Let justice rise from the graves.

Government Actions at Chemmani Mass Grave

Resumption of Excavation: Excavations at the Chemmani–Sinthupaththi mass grave site in Jaffna resumed on 21 July 2025 under court supervision. This followed a temporary halt after the recovery of 65 human skeletal remains during a 24-day second phase of digging. The Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) Dr. Pranavan Selliah and archaeologist Prof. Raj Somadeva have been overseeing the process under orders of the Jaffna Magistrate’s Court. Investigators uncovered personal items buried with the bodies – including bags, footwear, glass bangles, clothing, spectacles, and even a child’s doll – all now secured as evidence under police guard. Some remains were found alongside a blue schoolbag and toys, indicating victims as young children (one skeleton is believed to be a girl about 4–5 years old).
Crime Scene Oversight: The court has formally designated the site as a crime scene, reflecting clear forensic evidence of extrajudicial killings rather than ordinary burial. Because of the sensitive nature of the findings – including infants’ remains – the Magistrate imposed restrictions on access to the site. Media and even lawyers for victims’ families faced limits on proximity, after images from the dig leaked online and were subject to misinformation. Instead, a roster now allows a small number of local attorneys to monitor excavations, and photographs can be taken only under court approval. The case is scheduled to be heard again on August 6, as officials prepare comprehensive forensic reports on the discoveries.
Official Response and Promises: The Sri Lankan government has publicly insisted it will pursue justice for victims of enforced disappearances and mass killings. The new National People’s Power (NPP) coalition, which took office on promises of accountability and reform, initially signaled support for addressing wartime atrocities. In June, authorities allowed UN Human Rights High Commissioner Volker Türk to visit Chemmani – even landing a helicopter in Jaffna so he could inspect the site – as a gesture of cooperation. However, domestic efforts remain cautious and limited. The Chemmani investigation is being handled entirely by local officials, and there is no indication of high-level criminal prosecutions yet stemming from the evidence. Tamil political leaders have grown impatient: the Tamil party ITAK wrote to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake urging “urgent and decisive action to uncover the truth… and bring perpetrators to justice”, stressing that 16 years after the war, hundreds of families still await answers. ITAK’s letter pressed the government to meet international forensic standards, engage independent experts, and even re-examine the 15 skeletons exhumed at Chemmani in 1999 (which were sent overseas for analysis and never identified or returned). Tamil MPs have gone to court seeking access to the grave site, while warning that mere symbolic gestures are not enough if suspected perpetrators remain at large. So far, the government’s actions have been limited to the exhumation process itself; critics note a “deafening silence” on concrete plans for truth and justice beyond the excavation.

International Community Involvement

UN Engagement: International attention on Chemmani and Sri Lanka’s mass graves has intensified. Volker Türk, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, paid an extraordinary visit to the Chemmani site on 25 June 2025, reflecting its global significance. He personally inspected the ongoing exhumations and spoke with lawyers and victims’ representatives at the scene. In an emotionally charged statement, Türk emphasized the need for “independent experts with forensic expertise” to be involved in unearthing such mass graves. At a ceremony nearby, he laid flowers at an “Unextinguished Flame” vigil held by Tamil families of the disappeared, underscoring international solidarity with their decades-long struggle for answers. Türk later urged Sri Lanka to finally break out of its “impunity trap” – arguing that holding perpetrators of the most severe wartime crimes accountable is “vital for justice… and vital for the future” of the country. His visit, and unrestricted access to Chemmani (secured only after lawyers intervened in court to overcome police objections), signaled growing UN resolve to push Colombo for results.
UNHRC and Accountability Mechanisms: The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has consistently pressed Sri Lanka on this issue. In 2015, Sri Lanka’s government even co-sponsored a UNHRC resolution pledging a credible war crimes accountability process – but later backtracked on those commitments. Years of inaction led the UNHRC in 2021 to establish a special evidence-gathering initiative (sometimes called the Sri Lanka Accountability Project). This mechanism, run by the UN human rights office, is collecting and preserving evidence of international crimes for potential future prosecutions. Sri Lanka’s current government has so far opposed this UN evidence project. Nonetheless, human rights advocates are urging the UN to renew and strengthen it in the upcoming council session, seeing it as a crucial avenue to bypass domestic obstruction. The UN High Commissioner has also encouraged other states to use universal jurisdiction to prosecute atrocity crimes in their own courts, given Sri Lanka’s “systematic impunity” at home. Indeed, several countries have begun responding: in early 2023 the United Kingdom sanctioned two retired Sri Lankan generals and others for alleged rights abuses – an action that Colombo criticized even as it claims to pursue justice domestically.
Human Rights Organizations and Diaspora: International human rights groups and the Tamil diaspora have been pivotal in keeping up the pressure. Human Rights Watch (HRW) marked the 16th anniversary of the war’s end in May 2025 by condemning the Sri Lankan government’s continued refusal to address wartime atrocities. HRW notes that “overwhelming evidence” of war crimes by state forces has been gathered by the UN and others, yet no credible accountability process has ever been launched in Sri Lanka. The rights group’s officials called on President Dissanayake to stop “pretending that discredited domestic initiatives are working” and instead support the UN resolution to extend the accountability project. International experts have also highlighted the failure of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) and similar local bodies, which victims’ families widely distrust. Western nations with large Tamil diaspora communities, such as Britain and Canada, are facing voter pressure to hold Sri Lanka accountable. Tamil organizations abroad have issued statements (for example, the British Tamils Forum in June 2025) stressing that Chemmani’s unearthed graves demand urgent international attention and action. Overall, the global community’s involvement is unprecedented – from UN officials on the ground, to repeated resolutions and reports, to advocacy by NGOs and diaspora – all converging to demand Sri Lanka meet its international obligations on truth and justice.

Tamil Protests and Calls for Justice

Families’ Vigils in the North: Tamil families of the disappeared and civil society groups have mobilized intensively around the Chemmani findings. In late June, as the UN rights chief arrived, local activists organized the “Anaiya Vilakku” (Imperishable Lamp) protest – a multi-day vigil near the Chemmani site featuring a symbolic flame that relatives have kept burning for justice. Dozens of mothers, fathers, and community members stood under banners with photos of missing loved ones, ensuring that their demands for truth and international accountability were heard directly by Volker Türk. They presented him with letters and a list of urgent demands, including calls for international forensic experts and UN monitoring of the mass grave investigation. These families have conducted continuous roadside protests for years (in some cases well over 1000 days) across the North-East; Chemmani’s excavation has brought a new surge of hope along with fresh grief. The sight of infants’ skeletons being unearthed deeply shook the community. As one protest placard starkly asked, “Is this the fate of our children?” Tamil civil society groups are emphatic that only international oversight can ensure a credible process this time, given the decades of broken promises and cover-ups they have experienced.
Nationwide Protests and Solidarity: Demonstrations have not been limited to the Tamil homeland. On 17 July 2025, activists from across communities in Sri Lanka gathered in front of Colombo’s Fort Railway Station to demand justice for Chemmani’s victims and all mass graves. Protesters included Southern Sinhalese youth activists, trade unionists, and academics standing in solidarity with Tamil victims. They carried signs and chanted for an end to impunity. Participants voiced a mix of grief and resolve: “Justice is not just about excavating a grave and counting bodies. It’s about accountability,” said Lahiru Weerasekara of the Frontline Socialist Party, noting that countless killings during the war were swept under the rug of “national security” rhetoric. Educators like S. Muganeswari of the Ceylon Teachers’ Union spoke out, visibly anguished that “among the victims were students, innocent children who had no role in war”, declaring she had a moral duty as a teacher to demand justice. Joseph Stalin, head of the Teachers’ Union, reminded the crowd that more than 22 mass graves have been identified across Sri Lanka and each one cries out for justice. He and others criticized authorities’ hesitation to fully cooperate with UN officials – underscoring that public pressure is crucial to compel the government to act. Though these protests in Colombo were modest in size, observers noted their symbolic importance: multi-ethnic citizens uniting to insist that accountability cannot be selective or delayed any longer. Activists drew inspiration from Sri Lanka’s recent people’s movements (like the 2022 Aragalaya uprising), arguing that even small protests can spark broader awareness and change. The message from the streets, north and south alike, is that Sri Lanka must confront the truth of Chemmani and other wartime atrocities, and deliver justice for all communities.

Other Mass Graves in the North and East: Status and Updates

Sri Lanka’s north and east – the former warzones – are littered with multiple mass grave sites beyond Chemmani. Years after the war, many of these graves are only partially investigated or remain untouched, contributing to the vast number of missing persons cases. Below are updates on several key mass grave investigations in the Tamil areas:

Mannar “Sathosa” Mass Grave (North-West): In 2018, workers in Mannar town uncovered Sri Lanka’s largest mass grave to date on a former state-owned Sathosa store site. A total of 376 skeletons were exhumed, including remains of 28 children. Forensic investigators labeled it a “crime scene” due to evidence of violence (many skeletons bore deep cut marks and some had been bound). Mysteriously, carbon dating tests (on a few samples sent to a Florida lab) suggested the bones dated to the 15th–17th century – 1400–1650 AD. This result implied the grave pre-dated the civil war, but it has been met with skepticism. Sri Lanka’s own chief archaeologist, Prof. Somadeva, rejected the dating methodology, pointing out that signs of torture and execution strongly indicate a modern atrocity. As of January 2025, the Mannar Magistrate’s Court has received over 150 boxes of skeletal remains from this site, now handed to Jaffna’s JMO for detailed analysis. Experts are examining the bones for each individual’s age, sex, and cause of death, and a comprehensive report is pending. Progress has been painfully slow – nearly 190 excavation days spanned 2018–2019, and final identification or confirmation of the grave’s time period remains unresolved. Mannar’s Catholic bishop and Tamil civil society have long voiced concern that the true story (possibly a massacre during the 1990s) is being intentionally obscured. The court has scheduled further hearings, and families of the disappeared (through groups like the ARED) are represented by attorneys pressing for answers.
Thiruketheeswaram Mass Grave (Mannar District): This grave, located near the Thiruketheeswaram Hindu temple in Mannar, was first found in 2013. It yielded at least 83 skeletons during initial excavations. Investigations here have also dragged on for years. In early 2025, Colombo’s Judicial Medical Officer submitted a report on 27 of those remains, detailing age, gender, and possible causes of death for each. Another report covering the remaining skeletons is expected by mid-2025. The Thiruketheeswaram site is notable because it’s outside the main battle zones; locals suspect it may contain victims of 1980s anti-Tamil violence or early wartime killings. Like other cases, the findings have not been made public, and court proceedings (as of the 9 January 2025 hearing) remain shrouded in secrecy. The slow pace – over a decade with no public identification of victims – continues to frustrate families. Mannar activists emphasize that resolving these cases is “crucial for the wider Tamil nation” and for rebuilding trust.
Kokkuthoduvai Mass Grave (Mullaitivu District): Discovered in June 2023 by workers laying water pipes, this site in eastern Mullaitivu has become another emblem of delayed justice. So far, 52 skeletal remains (partial and complete) have been recovered in phases. Forensic analysis indicates the remains are likely Tamil Tiger (LTTE) fighters or detainees killed in the mid-1990s. Items like military-style clothing fragments and identification tags were found with the skeletons, some bearing numbers and LTTE insignia. Importantly, investigators testified that these ID numbers could help match remains to specific missing individuals – if family members come forward to claim them. However, the Kokkuthoduvai case has been plagued by obstruction and delays. The Mullaitivu Magistrate’s Court heard that the process was stalled for seven months in 2024 due to “lack of funding”, fueling allegations of an official cover-up. There have also been claims of evidence mishandling. Under pressure, the court in December 2024 finally ordered the military-issued tags and any identifiable artifacts to be made public, hoping families might identify their kin. Even so, by early 2025, Sri Lankan authorities had released very few details to the public about this grave. Tamil families suspect many of these remains could be those of rebels or civilians who “disappeared” in military custody during 1994–1996, when the area was under Army control. Notably, a 2024 assessment by forensic archaeologists concluded the Kokkuthoduvai grave “belongs to war time”, dismissing any notion of an ancient burial. Human rights watchdogs point to Kokkuthoduvai as a case study in state interference: the International Truth and Justice Project documented how mass grave inquiries often suffer sudden transfers of magistrates, police non-compliance with court orders, and lack of resources – and indeed “hardly any family has had remains returned” out of some 20 mass graves exhumed nationally. As of March 2025, the Mullaitivu court was expecting a final forensic report with determinations of age, height, and causes of death for these victims. Families and lawyers continue to call for an international inquiry here, citing complete loss of faith in the OMP and local mechanisms after years of stonewalling.
Other Sites: Numerous other suspected mass graves in the north and east remain unexcavated or in limbo. In Jaffna, aside from Chemmani, there was a known mass grave at Mirusuvil (where the remains of 8 civilians massacred by soldiers in 2000 were found; one soldier was convicted in that case). In the Eastern Province, sites like Kumarapuram and Thrikkovil have been mentioned by survivors as potential burial spots of massacre victims, but no systematic excavations have occurred there to date. Meanwhile, in the Tamil-speaking Up-Country areas, there are still unaccounted disappearances from the late 1980s that could point to hidden graves. Tamil advocates stress that every mass grave across the North-East is part of the same tragedy – a pattern of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings during the war. They demand that “all known mass graves be subject to investigation under international supervision”, per the petition handed to the UN High Commissioner. Each site, from Matale in the South to Mullivaikkal in the North, holds pieces of the truth about Sri Lanka’s past violence. As the Daily FT put it, “Sri Lanka is a land scattered with mass graves, each one a silent testament to the State’s brutal history of extrajudicial killings”. The ongoing Chemmani excavation has renewed hope that these grim sites will no longer be swept under the rug, and that families might finally learn the fate of those who vanished.

Sri Lanka’s International Law Commitments and the Push for Accountability

Sri Lanka’s government often touts its adherence to international law and standards – on paper, it is party to dozens of global treaties – yet in practice it has evaded its obligations for years, especially regarding justice for the Tamil people. The stark reality is that since the war’s end in 2009 (now 16 years ago), successive governments have failed to hold perpetrators accountable for egregious human rights violations. This gap between commitments and actions is under increasing scrutiny.

Treaty Obligations: Sri Lanka has ratified an extensive array of international conventions. It is a member of all four Geneva Conventions of 1949, and has acceded to core human rights treaties including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Convention Against Torture (CAT), the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED), among others. It has also ratified at least 43 International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions and 1 Protocol, covering fundamental rights like freedom of association, forced labor abolition, and child labor prohibition. (This includes 8 of the 10 ILO core conventions and several governance conventions.) However, many of these legal commitments exist only on paper – of those 43 ILO conventions, only 30 are currently in force for Sri Lanka, with the rest having been denounced or lapsed over time. The pattern is clear: Sri Lanka often takes on international obligations, but falls short of implementing them or upholding their principles domestically. For example, by ratifying the Enforced Disappearance Convention in 2016, the government formally agreed to investigate and punish those responsible for disappearances. Yet, thousands of Tamil families of the disappeared have seen no progress – the very crime that treaty was meant to address continues to go unpunished, even as Sri Lanka submits periodic reports to the UN.
16 Years of Evasion: Since 2009, the international community – through UN bodies, foreign governments, and human rights organizations – has repeatedly urged Sri Lanka to pursue genuine accountability for wartime atrocities. Internally, various domestic commissions and offices were established (Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, OMP, etc.), but none have delivered justice. Families note that the government’s approach has been to delay, deflect, and deny. The Sunday Times observes that the “silence of successive regimes” on the fate of the missing is not just a political lapse but a “grave moral failure”. Each year that passes without truth or justice “undermines the possibility of national healing”, the Tamil leaders wrote to the President. In its latest report, HRW excoriated the government’s inaction: “Despite overwhelming evidence… of war crimes and human rights abuses by state security forces, successive governments have failed to launch any credible accountability process.”. This culture of impunity has been noted at the highest levels. UN reports and independent investigations have documented how officials interfered in investigations – for instance, magistrates or forensic experts who probed too deeply into war crimes were suddenly transferred, and police have dragged their feet in following up on court orders. Even today, as Chemmani grabs headlines, no Sri Lankan military or political leader has been prosecuted for the massacres or disappearances of the civil war era. The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) – a draconian law used disproportionately against Tamils – remains in effect despite repeated promises to repeal it, illustrating how past abuses still cast a long shadow.
Calls for an End to Impunity: There is a growing chorus, domestically and internationally, insisting that Sri Lanka must end its defiance of international law and finally hold perpetrators accountable. The UN High Commissioner Türk during his visit implored Sri Lanka to “ensure justice is served” for wartime atrocities, warning that the country must “put an end to the paroxysms of violence” and address the roots of past conflict through accountability. He noted that justice is not only for the victims’ closure, but also a deterrent against future abuses. Human Rights Watch similarly urged the government to support international justice efforts instead of resisting them, saying that renewing the UN’s evidence-collection initiative is “vital to ensure justice for Sri Lanka’s Tamil victims”. Sri Lankan commentators point out the bitter irony that members of the current ruling coalition (which includes the JVP/NPP) were themselves victims of state terror in the 1980s and had demanded justice – yet now in power, they appear reluctant to deliver the same to Tamil victims of the later war. Editorials in Colombo newspapers are increasingly blunt: “What is lacking is political will,” one stated, lamenting that every government either ignores these mass crimes or uses them as a bargaining chip in politics. The Daily FT’s editorial on 21 July 2025 urged President Dissanayake to act boldly and set up a comprehensive, independent truth and justice mechanism to investigate all mass graves and atrocities, regardless of the era or the ethnicity of victims. It stressed that justice cannot be selective or subject to political convenience – each victim, Tamil, Sinhalese or Muslim, “deserves recognition, truth, and redress.”

After 16 long years of post-war evasion, the patience of survivors and the international community is nearing its end. There is a unanimous call that Sri Lanka must finally honor its international commitments – not just by ratifying conventions, but by enforcing them. This means prosecuting those responsible for war crimes, disappearances, and torture, no matter how powerful, under the law. The Chemmani mass grave – with its tiny skeletons, schoolbag, and bangles testifying to heinous crimes – has become a somber tipping point. The time for impunity is over: if Sri Lanka fails to deliver justice now, experts warn that international tribunals or sanctions may step in. As the UN’s rights chief declared in Colombo, accountability for these atrocities is “vital for the victims who have suffered inconceivable pain and loss, and vital for the future”. The world is watching, and Sri Lanka’s next steps will determine whether it continues the cycle of denial or finally embraces the rule of international law by bringing perpetrators to justice.

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LATEST UPDATE [July 21, 2025]: Developments on Sri Lanka’s Chemmani Mass Grave and Accountability Efforts

Developments on Sri Lanka’s Chemmani Mass Grave and Accountability Efforts

Government Actions at Chemmani Mass Grave

International Community Involvement

Tamil Protests and Calls for Justice

Other Mass Graves in the North and East: Status and Updates

Sri Lanka’s International Law Commitments and the Push for Accountability

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