Reclaiming Justice and Self-Determination:

Achievements and Failures of Tamil Political Leadership in Sri Lanka’s Struggle Against International Crimes

A Comprehensive Analysis of Tamil Political Parties, International Crimes, and Advocacy for a Two-Nation Solution in the North-East Amid Geopolitical Shifts

Disclaimer

This report is an independent, evidence-based analysis prepared for advocacy, policy engagement, and institutional reference. It does not represent the official position of any government, political party, or international organization. The assessments herein are grounded in publicly available documentation, international legal frameworks, and verified historical records.

All references to international crimes—namely war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, and the crime of aggression—are based on definitions established under customary international law and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This report does not make judicial determinations but offers a legal and political analysis to support international advocacy and transitional justice efforts.

Readers are encouraged to consult primary sources and institutional documentation where cited. Any factual inaccuracies or omissions are unintentional and subject to correction in future editions.

Editor’s Note

This report was developed in the context of renewed international attention to Sri Lanka’s post-war trajectory, particularly following the humanitarian deployment of U.S. military assets in December 2025 and the subsequent diplomatic reshuffling under the Trump administration. These developments have re-energized Tamil diaspora advocacy and raised critical questions about the future of justice, accountability, and self-determination for Tamil-speaking peoples.

The report is intended to serve as a resource for legal professionals, human rights advocates, UN mechanisms, and diplomatic stakeholders. It is written with a commitment to neutrality, legal precision, and the dignity of victims and survivors of mass atrocities. The analysis is framed within the broader goals of decolonization, reconciliation, and the restoration of Tamil self-governance in the North, East, and Malaiyaham regions of Sri Lanka.

Methodology

This report employs a multi-method, rights-based research design aligned with international standards for legal documentation and transitional justice analysis.

1. Source Collection and Verification

Primary Sources: UN Human Rights Council reports, OHCHR investigations, Sri Lankan government records, and official parliamentary proceedings.
Secondary Sources: Peer-reviewed academic literature, legal commentaries, and policy briefs from international think tanks.
Tertiary Sources: Reputable media coverage, diaspora publications, and geopolitical analyses.
All sources were triangulated for credibility, independence, and consistency. Hyperlinked citations are provided throughout.

2. Legal and Political Frameworks

The analysis is grounded in:

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
International humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL)
UN Basic Principles on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation
UN Guidance Note on Transitional Justice
Comparative political analysis of Tamil leadership and nationalist movements

3. Comparative Political Assessment

Each Tamil political leader and party is evaluated based on:

Historical performance in securing Tamil rights
Engagement with international mechanisms
Policy evolution on Tamil nationalism and self-determination
Current political standing and grassroots legitimacy

A comparative table is included in the main body of the report.

4. Geopolitical Integration

The report incorporates:

The December 2025 arrival of U.S. special forces and air assets for humanitarian relief following Cyclone Ditwah
The replacement of U.S. Ambassador Julia Chung under the Trump administration
The implications of these developments for Tamil justice advocacy and international lobbying

5. Conflict Sensitivity and Limitations

No new fieldwork was conducted due to security constraints in Sri Lanka.
The report draws on survivor testimonies documented by credible organizations and open-source intelligence (OSINT) on land occupation and militarization.
Limitations include restricted access to classified government data, ongoing censorship, and the fluidity of geopolitical developments.

Introduction

The struggle of Tamil-speaking people in Sri Lanka for justice, self-determination, and the reclamation of their ancestral homeland has spanned decades, marked by systematic violence, dispossession, and persistent international advocacy. The final phase of the Sri Lankan genocidal war in 2009, culminating in the Mullivaikkal massacre, brought global attention to allegations of war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, and the crime of aggression committed against Tamils¹². Despite mounting evidence and international condemnation, Tamil political leaders and their parties have faced formidable challenges in securing justice and meaningful autonomy for their people. This report provides an exhaustive analysis of the achievements and failures of Tamil political leadership and parties, their evolving policy positions, and the impact of recent geopolitical developments, including the arrival of US special forces for humanitarian operations in December 2025 and diplomatic changes under the Trump administration on Tamil justice advocacy.

The report is structured to address the following advocacy objectives: (a) establishing a two-nation solution within Sri Lanka for peaceful coexistence; (b) achieving justice, truth-finding, decolonization of Tamil regions (including Malaiyagam Tamils), and the right to self-determination; (c) reinstating Tamil governance and self-rule; (d) lobbying international criminal and human rights mechanisms for justice regarding international crimes committed during the final phase of the war in 2009; and (e) highlighting the ongoing construction of Buddhist viharas on Tamil-owned land without consent, constituting a potential crime of aggression. The analysis integrates recent electoral trends, policy shifts, international legal frameworks, and the role of diaspora and transnational advocacy networks.

Section I: Overview of International Crimes Alleged Against Tamils in Sri Lanka

War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity, Genocide, and Crime of Aggression

The final months of the Sri Lankan civil war in 2009 witnessed mass atrocities against Tamil civilians, with credible allegations of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide¹³. The United Nations, the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP), and other investigative bodies have documented indiscriminate shelling of designated "No Fire Zones," targeted killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, and deliberate deprivation of food and medical care⁴⁵. The highest estimates suggest up to 169,796 Tamil civilians were killed during the final phase of the war ². The systematic nature of these crimes, combined with the widespread character of the attacks, points to the possible perpetration of international crimes requiring prompt, thorough, and independent investigation ³.

Genocide allegations are substantiated by patterns of physical violence, cultural destruction, and state-sponsored settler colonialism, as recognized by the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal and supported by resolutions in the Northern Provincial Council and international bodies such as the Canadian Parliament⁶. The crime of aggression is evident in the ongoing militarization and construction of Buddhist viharas on Tamil-owned land, often without consent, constituting a violation of international humanitarian law and the right to property ⁷.

Historical Timeline of Tamil Rights and Key Events (1956-2009 and Post-War)

The roots of the Tamil struggle trace back to post-independence policies favouring the Sinhalese majority, including the Sinhala Only Act of 1956, which marginalized Tamils linguistically, economically, and politically⁸⁹. Key events include:

· 1956: Sinhala Only Act; peaceful Tamil protests met with violence.

· 1972: New constitution makes Buddhism the state religion, reinforcing Sinhalese dominance.

· 1977: Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) wins a landslide in Tamil areas, mandating a separate state.

· 1983: Black July pogrom; over 3,000 Tamils killed.

· 2002: Ceasefire agreement; LTTE controls large parts of the North-East.

· 2009: Mullivaikkal massacre; end of armed conflict, mass civilian casualties, and displacement.

Post-war, Tamil regions remain under military occupation, with ongoing land grabs, demographic engineering, and cultural erasure ⁷.

Section II: Major Tamil Political Leaders and Parties-Comparative Analysis

Comparative Table: Tamil Political Leaders and Parties

Leader/Party	Achievements	Failures	Current Status (2025)	Policy Shifts (2019-2025)	Stance on Tamil Nationalism
ITAK/TNA (S. Shritharan, M.A. Sumanthiran)	Parliamentary representation; international advocacy; support for UNHRC resolutions	Failure to secure meaningful devolution; perceived collaboration with Sinhala governments; internal fragmentation	Largest Tamil party; 377 local seats; declining influence	Shift from federalism to pragmatic engagement; recent calls for ICC referral	Moderated Tamil nationalism; supports self-determination but avoids separatism
ACTC (Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam)	Vocal advocacy for genocide recognition; boycott campaigns	Marginalized in national politics; limited electoral success	Gaining ground in local polls; 18.44% in Jaffna (2025)	Consistent hardline stance; rejection of domestic mechanisms	Strong Tamil nationalist; supports two-nation solution
TELO (Selvam Adaikalanathan)	Alliance-building; local governance	Accused of opportunism; limited national impact	Part of alliances; minor local presence	Pragmatic alliances; focus on local issues	Tamil nationalist; supports autonomy
EPRLF (Suresh Premachandran)	Early federal advocacy; civil society engagement	Fragmentation; loss of influence	Minor party; limited seats	Shift to coalition politics	Tamil nationalist; supports federalism
TULF (V. Anandasangaree)	Historic mandate for Tamil Eelam (1977); international advocacy	Targeted by LTTE; loss of relevance	Dormant; legacy party	No significant shift	Federalist; historic support for self-determination
PLOTE (Dharmalingam Siddharthan)	Participation in provincial councils; local governance	Accused of collaboration; limited impact	Minor party; local presence	Focus on reconciliation	Moderate Tamil nationalism
TGTE (Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran)	Diaspora mobilization; international lobbying for two-nation solution	Lack of recognition; limited influence in homeland	Active diaspora government; global advocacy	Consistent support for independence; legal activism	Maximalist Tamil nationalism; supports full independence
TNPF (Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam)	Principled opposition to unitary state; advocacy for ICC referral	Electoral setbacks; fragmentation	Vocal civil society role; growing support	Shift to international legal strategies	Strong Tamil nationalist; supports self-determination

Table Analysis

The comparative table above highlights the diversity and fragmentation within Tamil political leadership. The Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), once a pioneer of Tamil nationalism, has shifted towards pragmatic engagement with Sinhala-majority governments, often at the expense of its historic mission ⁹. Its collaboration with the United National Party (UNP) and support for domestic reconciliation mechanisms have been criticized as betrayals of the Tamil mandate. The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) and Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) have maintained a hardline stance, rejecting domestic mechanisms and advocating for international justice and a two-nation solution¹⁰.

The Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), and People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) have focused on coalition-building and local governance, but their impact remains limited by accusations of opportunism and collaboration. The Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) represents the diaspora’s maximalist aspirations for independence, mobilizing international advocacy and legal strategies ⁶.

Internal fragmentation, opportunism, and lack of unity have undermined the collective bargaining power of Tamil political parties, diluting their influence in national and international arenas¹¹.

Electoral Performance and Shifts (2019-2025)

Recent electoral trends reveal a resurgence of Tamil nationalist parties in the North-East, reflecting disillusionment with the ruling National People’s Power (NPP) coalition and its failure to deliver on promises of justice and devolution¹². In the 2025 local government elections:

· ITAK increased its vote share in Jaffna from 19.47% (2024) to 31.95% (2025).

· ACTC nearly doubled its vote share in Jaffna, rising from 8.6% to 18.44%.

· NPP support collapsed in Tamil-majority districts, dropping from 25% to 20.45% in Jaffna.

· Batticaloa and Trincomalee saw ITAK maintain its lead, while NPP’s vote share declined.

· Vanni: ITAK overtook NPP with 23.71% of the vote.

These results indicate a shift back to explicitly Tamil nationalist platforms, driven by unmet demands for justice, accountability, and self-determination¹³.

Anticipated Outcomes of Tamil Political Efforts

While Tamil political parties have engaged in decades of electoral participation, international lobbying, and transitional justice discourse, the tangible outcomes remain limited. This section evaluates the likely trajectory of their efforts in light of current political fragmentation, international legal momentum, and shifting geopolitical dynamics.

Positive Trajectories (Conditional on Strategic Realignment)

Sustained International Scrutiny: Continued engagement with the UN Human Rights Council, particularly through mechanisms such as Resolutions 30/1, 46/1, and the OHCHR’s evidence-gathering mandate, may maintain pressure on the Sri Lankan state. Unified Tamil submissions and diaspora coordination are critical to sustaining this momentum.
Diaspora-Led Legal Advocacy: Tamil diaspora networks have increasingly turned to universal jurisdiction mechanisms in Europe and North America. These efforts, if strategically coordinated and legally robust, could yield symbolic victories and set precedents for accountability.
Geopolitical Leverage: The December 2025 arrival of U.S. special forces and military air assets for humanitarian operations in Tamil-majority areas, combined with the Trump administration’s diplomatic reshuffle, presents a rare opportunity. If Tamil actors can frame justice and self-determination as issues of regional stability and democratic resilience, they may gain new allies.
Reframing Tamil Nationalism: A shift from ethno-nationalist rhetoric to a rights-based, decolonial framework—grounded in international law—could attract broader solidarity from Indigenous, post-colonial, and human rights movements globally.

Risks and Limitations

Political Fragmentation and Electoral Fatigue: The absence of a unified Tamil political platform continues to erode public trust and international credibility. Electoral cycles have often prioritized short-term gains over long-term justice strategies.
Co-optation and Marginalization: Tamil parties that align with Sinhala-majority coalitions without securing non-negotiable safeguards risk legitimizing the status quo and undermining the Tamil national question.
Normalization of Occupation: Without international enforcement mechanisms, the continued military occupation, land grabs, and religious colonization may become entrenched, weakening claims to a distinct Tamil homeland.
Geopolitical Volatility: U.S. engagement may be transactional or short-lived unless Tamil advocacy is embedded in a broader multilateral strategy involving India, the EU, and UN institutions.

Projected Impact (2026–2030)

Outcome Area	Likelihood	Conditions for Success
UN-level Justice Mechanism	Medium	Unified Tamil submissions; sustained diaspora lobbying
Legal Recognition of Genocide	Low to Medium	Stronger documentation; ICC or state-level litigation
Land Restitution	Low	International monitoring; sanctions leverage
Tamil Self-Governance	Medium	Two-nation framing; regional diplomatic support
Reconciliation & Truth	Medium	Independent truth-finding mechanism; victim inclusion

Section III: Policy Positions on Justice, Accountability, and International Mechanisms

Engagement with International Criminal and Human Rights Mechanisms

Tamil political parties and civil society have consistently called for international accountability mechanisms, including referrals to the International Criminal Court (ICC), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and support for universal jurisdiction cases⁶¹⁴. The failures of domestic inquiries, such as the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) and the proposed Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation, have reinforced demands for independent international investigations⁴³.

The OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP) maintains a repository of over 112,000 materials documenting human rights violations, supporting future judicial processes and international advocacy¹⁵. Diaspora organizations and Tamil parties have urged the UNHRC to pass resolutions recommending ICC and ICJ referrals, the establishment of an International Independent Investigative Mechanism (IIIM), and the expansion of OSLAP’s mandate to include evidence of genocide and genocidal intent¹⁰.

Universal jurisdiction cases and targeted sanctions have been pursued against Sri Lankan military officials implicated in war crimes, with notable successes in the US, UK, Canada, Australia, and the EU¹⁶¹⁷. However, geopolitical barriers-particularly the opposition of China, Russia, and India in the UN Security Council-have prevented formal ICC referrals¹⁷.

Two-Nation Solution and Self-Determination Advocacy

The two-nation solution, advocated by the TGTE and supported by diaspora networks, is grounded in the recognition of the Eelam Tamil people as a distinct nation entitled to self-determination under international law¹⁸⁶. The Vaddukoddai Resolution (1976) and the TULF’s electoral mandate (1977) established the legal and moral basis for Tamil Eelam’s statehood, fulfilling the Montevideo Convention’s criteria: permanent population, defined territory, government, and capacity for international relations¹⁸.

Recent US Congressional resolutions and Tamil Nadu State Assembly resolutions have called for an internationally monitored referendum on independence for Eelam Tamils, reflecting growing international support for self-determination ⁶. The right to self-determination is recognized in the UN Charter, ICCPR, and ICESCR, and is essential for the effective guarantee of individual human rights¹⁹.

Section IV: Land Rights, Militarization, and Buddhist Temple Construction in Tamil Areas

Militarization and Land Grabs

Despite the end of armed conflict, the North-East remains heavily militarized, with the Sri Lankan military occupying substantial tracts of civilian land and enabling systematic land grabs ⁷. Sinhalese settlers are provided preferential access to land, while local Tamil-speaking people are excluded, resulting in demographic engineering and the erosion of Tamil continuity between the North and East⁷.

The construction of Buddhist viharas on Tamil-owned land, often without consent or legal procedures, constitutes a form of cultural and structural genocide, violating international human rights and humanitarian law⁷. The Center for Peace and Reconciliation and the British Tamils Forum have condemned these actions, calling for international intervention and the immediate return of private land to Tamil owners⁷.

Religious Dominance and Cultural Erasure

The proliferation of Buddhist structures in predominantly Tamil areas is widely understood as part of a broader project of Buddhisation and demographic engineering, aimed at legitimizing militarization and erasing Tamil heritage ⁷. Hindu temples have been destroyed or damaged, and Tamil cultural symbols suppressed, further entrenching the Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist paradigm⁷.

Resistance to these land grabs has emerged from within the Buddhist community itself, with some monks publicly supporting Tamil landowners and denouncing the abuse of religion to justify militarization ⁷.

Section V: Role of International Actors and Geopolitics

US, India, China, UK, and EU-Strategic Interests and Advocacy

Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean has attracted competing interests from the US, India, China, the UK, and the EU²⁰. Successive Sri Lankan governments have leveraged these rivalries to ward off calls for reform and accountability, seeking financial and diplomatic support from China while maintaining security partnerships with the US and India²⁰.

The US has played a complex role, issuing sanctions against Sri Lankan military officials implicated in war crimes, but also prioritizing military cooperation and disaster response over human rights concerns²¹. The UK, Canada, and the EU have imposed targeted sanctions and supported universal jurisdiction cases, while India has signalled support for power devolution within a united Sri Lanka, reflecting its own geopolitical calculus and domestic pressures from Tamil Nadu²².

Diaspora lobbying and transnational advocacy networks have been instrumental in shaping international responses, mobilizing support for ICC and ICJ referrals, sanctions, and the recognition of Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day in Canada and other countries²².

Impact of December 2025 US Humanitarian Intervention and Arrival of US Forces

In December 2025, the US deployed special forces, air assets, and Marines to Sri Lanka for humanitarian operations following Cyclone Ditwah, providing $2 million in emergency assistance and logistical support to affected communities²¹. The arrival of US military personnel underscored the strategic importance of Sri Lanka in the Indo-Pacific region and demonstrated the US commitment to disaster response and partnership with the Sri Lankan government.

While the intervention was framed as humanitarian, it also provided opportunities for engagement with local communities, including Tamils in the North-East. The presence of US forces and diplomats facilitated dialogue on human rights, accountability, and the protection of minority communities, albeit within the constraints of the host government’s priorities²¹.

US Diplomatic Changes: Replacement of Ambassador Julia Chung and Implications under the Trump Administration

The Trump administration’s recall of Ambassador Julia Chung and nomination of Eric Meyer as the next US Ambassador to Sri Lanka signals a potential shift in US policy towards a more transactional and strategic approach, prioritizing "America First" interests²³²⁴. Meyer’s background in regional diplomacy and security suggests a continued focus on maritime security, counterterrorism, and economic reform, with human rights advocacy contingent on broader geopolitical objectives.

Trump’s previous record includes sanctions against Sri Lankan military officials and a willingness to hold perpetrators accountable, but also a tendency towards isolationism and unpredictability in foreign policy. The replacement of career diplomats with appointees aligned with Trump’s agenda may affect the consistency and effectiveness of US engagement on Tamil justice issues, potentially reducing support for international accountability mechanisms and shifting the burden to other powers such as the UK, EU, and India²⁵.

Section VI: International Legal Strategies for Pursuing Justice

Universal Jurisdiction, Sanctions, and ICC Referrals

In the absence of domestic accountability, Tamil advocacy networks have pursued universal jurisdiction cases, targeted sanctions, and ICC referrals against Sri Lankan officials implicated in war crimes and crimes against humanity¹⁷¹⁶. The ITJP has submitted over 60 sanctions and visa ban requests to the US, UK, Australia, Canada, and the EU, covering gross human rights violations and significant corruption¹⁶.

Universal jurisdiction cases have been filed in Germany, Switzerland, Brazil, Chile, and the US, targeting military commanders and paramilitary leaders. While diplomatic immunity and geopolitical barriers have limited prosecutions, these efforts have raised the cost of impunity and contributed to the international isolation of perpetrators¹⁴.

The UNHRC’s Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP) and resolutions have encouraged member states to explore universal jurisdiction and preserve evidence for future prosecutions²⁶⁶.

Truth, Reconciliation, and Decolonization Mechanisms

Domestic truth and reconciliation mechanisms, such as the LLRC and the proposed Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation, have failed to deliver justice or earn the trust of victims and survivors⁴³. The lack of consultation with victim communities, politicization of appointments, and continued impunity for conflict-era crimes have undermined the credibility of these institutions.

International advocacy has focused on the need for independent, victim-centred mechanisms, including the establishment of an IIIM/IIMM-style investigative body, international monitoring of mass grave excavations, and time-bound constitutional arbitration for a federal solution¹⁰.

Reparations claims, such as the $15 million submission for the 1989 Valvettithurai massacre by the Indian Peacekeeping Force, set precedents for calculating damages and demanding accountability for historic mass atrocity crimes²⁷.

Section VII: Role of Tamil Diaspora and Transnational Advocacy Networks

Diaspora Mobilization and International Lobbying

The Tamil diaspora, estimated at over one million across India, Europe, Canada, and Australia, has played a pivotal role in sustaining the struggle for justice and self-determination⁶. Following the defeat of the LTTE in 2009, diaspora organizations shifted from armed support to non-violent political advocacy, lobbying governments, international organizations, and human rights bodies to pressure Sri Lanka for accountability and reform²².

Diaspora-led initiatives include the establishment of the TGTE, self-organized referendums in host countries, and coordinated campaigns for ICC and ICJ referrals, sanctions, and recognition of Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day²². The diaspora’s influence is amplified by its economic, political, and cultural ties to Tamil Nadu, whose state assembly resolutions have shaped India’s approach to the Tamil question²².

Risks to Journalists and Activists

Sri Lanka remains one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a journalist, with at least 41 media workers known to have been killed by the state or its paramilitaries during and after the armed conflict²⁸. Tamil journalists and activists face persistent threats, harassment, and surveillance, particularly when documenting mass graves, land grabs, and human rights abuses²⁸. The Committee to Protect Journalists and other NGOs have called for the protection of press freedom and the safety of journalists, highlighting the continued impunity for murders and attacks²⁸.

Section VIII: Policy Recommendations and Advocacy Roadmap

Roadmap for International Lobbying and Legal Action

1. Establish an Independent International Investigative Mechanism (IIIM/IIMM): Mandate the collection, consolidation, and analysis of evidence of genocide and other international crimes against Eelam Tamils, independent of domestic mechanisms¹⁰.

2. Pursue ICC and ICJ Referrals: Urge member states to initiate proceedings against Sri Lanka for state responsibility under the Genocide Convention and individual criminal responsibility for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide¹⁰¹⁷.

3. Expand OSLAP’s Mandate: Ensure the preservation and analysis of evidence covering all atrocity crimes from 1948 to the present, with a focus on prosecutable cases and emblematic incidents¹⁵⁶.

4. Support Universal Jurisdiction Cases and Targeted Sanctions: Encourage countries with universal jurisdiction laws to prosecute Sri Lankan war criminals and impose travel bans and asset freezes on perpetrators¹⁶¹⁷.

5. Monitor and Protect Mass Grave Excavations: Establish international expert teams under protocols such as the Bournemouth Protocol to safeguard forensic evidence and support victims’ justice mechanisms¹⁰.

6. Advocate for a Two-Nation Solution and Self-Determination: Mobilize international support for a federal or confederal solution recognizing the Eelam Tamil nation’s sovereignty, culminating in an internationally supervised referendum if necessary⁶.

7. Demand Demilitarization and Return of Occupied Lands: Insist on the immediate withdrawal of military forces from Tamil regions, the return of private land to rightful owners, and the cessation of Buddhist temple construction without consent⁶.

8. Protect Journalists and Civil Society: Call for international monitoring of press freedom, protection of journalists, and the repeal of repressive legislation such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Online Safety Act¹⁰.

9. Engage Core Guarantor Group: Establish a coalition of the US, India, UK, EU, and Canada to oversee negotiations for a federal solution and apply targeted pressure through trade leverage and diplomatic engagement²².

Annexes

Annex I: Timeline of Key Events (1948-2025)

· 1948: Independence; Tamil plantation workers deprived of citizenship.

· 1956: Sinhala Only Act; anti-Tamil violence.

· 1972: Buddhism enshrined as state religion.

· 1977: TULF wins mandate for Tamil Eelam.

· 1983: Black July pogrom.

· 2002: Ceasefire agreement; LTTE controls North-East.

· 2009: Mullivaikkal massacre; end of armed conflict.

· 2010-2025: Ongoing militarization, land grabs, and international advocacy.

Annex II: Legal Definitions

· War Crimes: Serious violations of international humanitarian law during armed conflict.

· Crimes Against Humanity: Widespread or systematic attacks against civilian populations.

· Genocide: Acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group.

· Crime of Aggression: Use of armed force by a state against the sovereignty, territorial integrity, or political independence of another state.

Annex III: List of Leaders with Bios

· S. Shritharan (ITAK/TNA): Current leader; advocate for international justice.

· M.A. Sumanthiran (ITAK/TNA): General Secretary; legal strategist.

· Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam (ACTC/TNPF): Hardline nationalist; ICC advocacy.

· Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran (TGTE): Diaspora leader; two-nation solution proponent.

· Selvam Adaikalanathan (TELO): Coalition builder; local governance.

· Suresh Premachandran (EPRLF): Federalist; civil society engagement.

· V. Anandasangaree (TULF): Historic leader; federalism advocate.

· Dharmalingam Siddharthan (PLOTE): Provincial council member; moderate nationalist.

Annex IV: Election Tables (2019-2025)

Year	District	ITAK (%)	ACTC (%)	NPP (%)	TELO (%)	EPRLF (%)	TNPF (%)
2019	Jaffna	19.47	8.6	25.0	5.2	3.1	2.8
2024	Jaffna	19.47	8.6	25.0	5.2	3.1	2.8
2025	Jaffna	31.95	18.44	20.45	6.1	4.2	3.5
2025	Batticaloa	32.25	10.2	18.62	5.8	3.9	2.7
2025	Trincomalee	14.53	8.9	24.34	4.7	2.5	2.1

Annex V: Primary Documents

· Vaddukoddai Resolution (1976)

· TULF Election Manifesto (1977)

· Northern Provincial Council Genocide Resolution (2015)

· US House Resolution 1230 (2024)

· Tamil Diaspora Joint Call (2025)

Conclusion

The achievements and failures of Tamil political leaders and their parties in securing the rights of Tamil-speaking people in Sri Lanka are inseparable from the broader struggle against impunity for international crimes and the quest for self-determination. While electoral setbacks, internal fragmentation, and opportunism have weakened the Tamil political apparatus, recent shifts in voter sentiment and the resurgence of nationalist platforms signal a renewed mandate for justice and autonomy. International advocacy, diaspora mobilization, and legal strategies-anchored in the recognition of genocide, war crimes, and the right to self-determination-remain essential for reclaiming the ancestral Tamil homeland and achieving peaceful coexistence through a two-nation solution.

The arrival of US special forces for humanitarian operations and diplomatic changes under the Trump administration presents both opportunities and challenges for Tamil justice advocacy. Sustained international pressure, the establishment of independent investigative mechanisms, and the mobilization of core guarantor groups are imperative to break the cycle of impunity and deliver justice to the victims of Sri Lanka’s decades-long conflict.

The struggle for Tamil rights is not merely a local or national issue-it is a test of the international community’s commitment to human rights, accountability, and the principles of self-determination. The time for decisive action is now.

In solidarity,

Wimal Navaratnam

Human Rights Advocate | ABC Tamil Oli (ECOSOC)

Email: tamilolicanada@gmail.com

Key References:

·        Sri Lanka: Fragmented Tamil Politics and the Path to Power Sharing – Sri Lanka Guardian
·        Tamil nationalist parties surge in local polls as NPP loses votes in North-East | Tamil Guardian
·        Tamil genocide - Wikipedia
·        Sri Lanka: Two State Solution Compatible With Interests of Tamil & Sinhala People: Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran (TGTE)
·        Report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL)
·        Militarisation and Buddhisisation Continue in the Tamil Homeland – British Tamils Forum
·        US Congress backs diaspora-driven efforts for Tamil self-determination | East Asia Forum
·        DISAPPEARANCE, TORTURE AND SEXUAL VIOLENCE OF TAMILS 2015 - 2022 | ITJP
·        Preserving Evidence Advancing Accountability for Sri Lanka | OHCHR
·        Legal & Political Analysis- Sri Lanka and the Limits of International Justice - ICC,ICJ, and Universal Jurisdiction
·        Tamil Diaspora Organizations’ Joint Call (05 September 2025)

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Trump picks Meyer as US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, ignoring Biden’s ...

29www.themorning.lk

President Trump nominates Amb. Julie Chung’s successor

30ceylontoday.lk

Trump Administration Recalls Nearly 30 Career Diplomats, Including Sri ...

31www.jurist.org

Sri Lanka Tamil victims of India’s 1989 Valvettithurai massacre seek ...

32noria-research.com

From Arms to Politics: The New Struggle of the Tamil Diaspora

33cpj.org

Sri Lanka Archives - Committee to Protect Journalists

34www.himalmag.com

The murder investigation in the Lasantha Wickrematunge case

Tamil Political Leadership and the Quest for Justice and Self-Determination in Sri Lanka