The Systematic Alteration of the Tamil Homeland: An Advocacy Dossier on Land Appropriation, Cultural Erasure, and Structural Genocide in Sri Lanka (1950–2026)

Disclaimer for Readers

This dossier is compiled as an advocacy instrument for the use of international legal bodies, human rights organizations, and diplomatic missions. The information contained herein is based on documented evidence, government gazettes, and legal proceedings. It seeks to provide a comprehensive record of state-sponsored efforts to alter the demographic and cultural landscape of the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka. While the research is exhaustive, the dynamic nature of ongoing judicial cases and the restrictive environment for field monitoring in militarized zones mean that new developments may occur following the publication of this report. This document is intended to serve as a baseline for accountability and not as an exhaustive legal brief for specific litigation.

Editor Note

The focus of this dossier is the persistent and institutionalized "land grab" phenomenon that has targeted the Tamil-speaking people of Sri Lanka for over seven decades. The transition from active kinetic warfare to what is termed "structural genocide" has necessitated a re-evaluation of the tools used by the state. The primary actors are no longer only the infantry and artillery, but the surveyor’s office, the archaeological department, and the forestry commission. This dossier emphasizes that land is the foundational element of the Tamil claim to self-determination and that the erasure of land rights is synonymous with the erasure of the nation itself.

Methodology

The data synthesized in this report was gathered through a multi-dimensional research process involving the analysis of original government gazette notifications from 1950 to early 2026, the review of international human rights monitoring reports, and the collation of case law from the Sri Lankan Court of Appeal and Supreme Court. The methodology prioritized primary sources, such as the Land Acquisition Act of 1950 and the Land Development Ordinance, while cross-referencing these with secondary observations from organizations such as the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL), and the Oakland Institute. The documentation of Hindu temples and archaeological sites relies on field data provided by local civil society actors in the North and East, often collected at significant personal risk. Narrative synthesis was employed to demonstrate the causal links between legislation, military presence, and demographic engineering.

The History and Logic of Land Appropriation in the Tamil Homeland

The systematic dispossession of the Tamil people from their ancestral homelands in the North and East of Sri Lanka is a project of the state that predates the armed conflict and has accelerated significantly since its conclusion in 2009. The "Tamil Homeland" concept refers to the contiguous Northern and Eastern Provinces, which have historically been the areas of primary habitation for the Tamil-speaking people.¹ The appropriation of this land is not merely an administrative exercise in property management but a deliberate strategy of "Sinhalization"—the elevation of Sinhalese language, culture, and land ownership at the expense of the indigenous Tamil identity.¹

Historically, the process began with the "Grow More Food" campaigns and irrigation-settlement schemes of the 1950s and 60s, which were used to settle Sinhalese peasants from the south into the traditionally Tamil-speaking dry zones.² These projects, such as the Gal Oya and Allai schemes, were designed to satisfy the "land hunger" of the ethnic majority while simultaneously diluting the demographic concentration of minorities in strategically important regions.² By shifting the ethnic balance, successive governments aimed to weaken the territorial claims for Tamil autonomy and self-determination.²

The patterns of execution for these land grabs follow a consistent trajectory. Initially, land is identified under the guise of "national development" or "public purpose".⁵ Once the state establishes a legal foothold, typically through a gazette notification, it facilitates the influx of Sinhalese settlers, often supported by state-funded housing and infrastructure.¹ This is followed by "Buddhization"—the construction of Buddhist temples (viharas) and statues in areas with no indigenous Buddhist population—to provide a religious and historical justification for the new settlement.¹

The Role of State Agencies and Legislation

The legal architecture of land appropriation is built upon several key statutes that grant the state expansive powers to override private and communal property rights. The Land Acquisition Act No. 9 of 1950 remains the primary instrument, allowing the Minister of Lands to acquire private property for a "public purpose".⁵ In the North and East, this act has been used arbitrarily, often with notices published only in Sinhala or Tamil in a manner that prevents owners from filing objections within the statutory timeframe.⁵

Statute / Legislative Act	Year	Implications for the Tamil Homeland
Land Settlement Ordinance	1931	Established the framework for declaring land as "State property" if ownership could not be definitively proven by the resident.¹⁰
Land Development Ordinance	1935	Allowed for the systematic alienation of state land, primarily used to facilitate majority-ethnic settlements in the North-East.¹²
State Lands Ordinance	1947	Facilitated the alienation of lands to government departments and institutions for "commercial and residential purposes".¹¹
Land Acquisition Act No. 9	1950	The most frequent tool for seizing private land for military camps, high security zones, and state-sponsored tourism.⁵
Mahaweli Authority Act	1979	Granted the Minister expansive powers to acquire land for irrigation, which served as a vehicle for large-scale Sinhalization.¹
Land Grants (Special Provisions) Act	1979	Redistributed lands previously taken over by the Land Reform Commission, often favoring state-aligned groups.¹¹
State Lands (Recovery of Possession) Act	1979	Used to evict "unauthorized" occupants of state land, often targeting Tamils returning to their lands after displacement.¹¹
Tourism Act No. 38	2005	Enabled the declaration of "Tourist Development Areas," facilitating the conversion of ancestral lands into military-run resorts.⁴
Urumaya (Heritage) Program	2024	A controversial land reform program that grants freehold titles but is criticized for potentially facilitating large-scale land sales to corporate entities and settlers.¹⁴

The amendments to these laws, particularly those increasing the power of the Mahaweli Authority and the Department of Archaeology, have been central to the post-2009 strategy. By reclassifying land as "archaeological" or "forest reserves," the state can legally prevent the resettlement of Tamil civilians who were displaced by the war, effectively making the displacement permanent.⁴

Chronological List of Gazettes and Land Acquisition Orders (1950–2025)

The use of gazette notifications is the administrative heartbeat of land appropriation. These orders provide the legal veneer for what are often forcibly executed seizures.

The Era of Colonization (1950–1983)

During this period, gazettes were primarily used to support large irrigation projects. The Allai Scheme in Trincomalee, initiated in 1951, transformed the demographic profile of the district.¹ Between 1948 and 1969, approximately 15,000 families were settled on 55,352 acres in Trincomalee alone, creating a "wedge" between the Northern and Eastern provinces.⁴

● Gazette Notifications (1950s–1960s): Orders issued under the Land Development Ordinance and the Irrigation Act to establish "colonies" in the Ampara and Trincomalee districts. This led to the creation of the Sinhalese-majority Ampara district out of the traditionally Tamil-speaking Eastern Province.²

● 1972 Land Reform Order: Under the Land Reform Act No. 1, the state assumed ownership of all lands exceeding 50 acres, which was used to break up large Tamil landholdings and redistribute them to state-aided entities.¹¹

The Conflict and the Rise of High Security Zones (1983–2009)

The outbreak of war saw the focus shift from agricultural colonization to military necessity. The creation of High Security Zones (HSZs) via gazette notifications displaced thousands of Tamil families from the most fertile and strategically sensitive coastal areas.⁶

● 1984 Settlement Orders: Minister Lalith Athulathmudali announced the settlement of 200,000 Sinhalese in the North, with many recruits drawn from prisons and provided with weapons.⁷

● Gazette No. 1102 (Oct 15, 1999): Declared Mullikulam Malai an ancient monument, a precursor to the 2007 military occupation of the village.¹⁷

● Gazette No. 1113 (Dec 31, 1999): Restricted agricultural activities in the Mullikulam area under the Antiquities Act.¹⁷

● Gazette No. 1487/32 (Mar 9, 2007): Transferred vast tracts of land in Thennaimarawadi and Pulmoaddai to the Mahaweli Authority, facilitating the "Buddhization" of the border between the North and East.⁴

Post-War Institutionalized Land Grabbing (2009–2025)

Since May 2009, gazettes have been used to consolidate military control and formalize the cultural erasure of Tamil heritage.

● Gazette Notification No. 1671/29 (Sep 17, 2010): Altered the ownership of land in Trincomalee for the personal use of state officials and military infrastructure.⁴

● Land Circular No. 2011/04: A directive that forced all landowners in the North and East to furnish title details to the state within two months, which was used to identify "unclaimed" (displaced) lands for state takeover.⁵

● Section 2 Notice (2013): Attempted to acquire 6,381 acres in the Valikamam North region of the Jaffna Peninsula to establish a "Defence Battalion Headquarters".⁹

● Gazette No. 2430 (Mar 28, 2025): The most recent and aggressive attempt by the state, declaring that thousands of acres in Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar, and Mullaitivu would be claimed as State property if owners did not produce documents by June 28, 2025.⁵ This gazette targeted 934 acres in Mullivaikkal, the site of the 2009 genocide.¹⁸

● Revocation Order (May 27, 2025): Following intense resistance from Tamil political parties and civil society, the government was forced to revoke Gazette No. 2430, though leaders remain cautious about its reintroduction through other bureaucratic means.¹⁸

Past Gross Violations of International Law and the Rome Statute

The history of land appropriation cannot be decoupled from the atrocities committed during the final stages of the civil war. The Sri Lankan state is accused of systematic violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and International Human Rights Law (IHRL), many of which constitute international crimes under the Rome Statute.²⁰

Allegations of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity

During the final months of the war in 2009, tens of thousands of Tamil civilians were trapped in "No-Fire Zones" where they were subjected to indiscriminate shelling by the Sri Lankan military.²⁰ The United Nations documented that these zones were systematically targeted despite the presence of hundreds of thousands of civilians.²⁰

● Extrajudicial Killings: Documented cases of surrendered LTTE members and civilians being executed by security forces.²⁰

● Enforced Disappearances: Sri Lanka has one of the highest numbers of enforced disappearances in the world. Families of the disappeared continue to protest in the North and East, demanding to know the fate of their loved ones who were seen in military custody in May 2009.²²

● Torture and Sexual Violence: The widespread use of rape and other forms of sexual violence against Tamil detainees has been documented as a tool of war and a means of state repression.²⁰

● Indiscriminate Shelling of Hospitals: The deliberate targeting of medical facilities in the Vanni region, which were often the only source of aid for wounded civilians.²¹

The Rome Statute and the Mandate for Genocide Investigation

The Northern Provincial Council's 2015 resolution and subsequent reports by international legal experts argue that these actions meet the criteria for genocide under the Rome Statute.²⁴ The systematic attempt to destroy the Tamil people as a group, in whole or in part, is reflected not only in the kinetic massacres of 2009 but in the subsequent and ongoing efforts to destroy the group's physical and cultural basis of existence.⁶

Existing Allegations and International Sanctions (2020–2025)

The failure of Sri Lanka to provide a credible domestic mechanism for accountability has led to a growing list of international sanctions against senior state and military officials. These sanctions are a direct response to credible allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity.²⁴

Targeted Sanctions against Sri Lankan Officials

As of March 2025, several high-ranking individuals have been designated for asset freezes and travel bans by the United Kingdom, United States, and Canada.²³

Official Name	Former / Current Role	Sanctioning Authority	Nature of Allegations
Shavendra Silva	Commander of the Army (2019–2022)	UK, US, Canada	Commanded the 58 Division during the final stages of the war; implicated in extrajudicial killings and torture.²³
Wasantha Karannagoda	Former Navy Commander	UK, US	Accused of involvement in the "Trinco 11" case involving the abduction and disappearance of youth for ransom.²³
Jagath Jayasuriya	Former Chief of Defence Staff	UK	Commander in the Vanni region; overseen facilities where widespread torture occurred.²³
Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan (Karuna)	Former LTTE Commander / Minister	UK	Responsible for the recruitment of child soldiers and serious human rights violations as a paramilitary leader.²³
Major General (Rtd.) Kamal Gunaratne	Secretary to the Ministry of Defence	Identified in NGO reports	Led the Presidential Task Force on Archaeology in the East; accused of facilitating land grabs.⁴

The international community continues to call for a referral of the Sri Lankan situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the establishment of an Independent International Investigative Mechanism (IIIM) to preserve evidence of atrocity crimes.²⁴

Current and Ongoing Violations (2009–2026)

The post-war period has seen a transition from "hard" military violence to "soft" institutionalized repression, which is often more difficult to document but equally devastating to the Tamil community. This is a state of "militarized peace" where the tools of the state are used to execute a far-reaching agenda of structural genocide.⁶

1. Enhanced Military Occupation and Oppression

Since the weapons were silenced in May 2009, the military presence in the North and East has not significantly decreased. In many areas, the ratio of soldiers to civilians remains one of the highest in the world.¹⁶ This presence is used to normalize surveillance and repress any form of political mobilization or memorialization.¹⁶ The military has effectively become the primary administrator of the region, involving itself in civil governance and the local economy.⁶

2. Ongoing Military-Enforced Land Grabs and Cultural Erasure

The military continues to occupy thousands of acres of private land, including in Valikamam North, Mullikulam, and Kepapulavu.¹⁶ These lands are often repurposed for military-run commercial ventures, such as the Thalsevana Holiday Resort, built on land seized from Tamil families in Kankesanthurai.¹⁶ Cultural erasure is achieved by renaming traditional Tamil villages with Sinhala names and destroying historical monuments.⁶

3. Structural Genocide and the Intersectional Conflict

In August 2024, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) highlighted the critical role of land in the ongoing conflict: "Fifteen years after the Civil War, land remains a primary driver of ethnic division. The State uses land mechanisms to create an 'asymmetry of power' in the Northern and Eastern regions".³² This asymmetry is the engine of structural genocide, as it targets the demographic and economic viability of the Tamil nation.

4. Illegal Sinhala Settlements and the Mahaweli Authority

New settlements continue to be established in strategically sensitive areas such as Kokkilai, Pulmoaddai, and Thennaimarawadi.¹ These settlements are often unauthorized by local divisional secretariats but are supported by centralized bodies like the Mahaweli Authority, which issues permits in defiance of court orders.⁴ In Kokkilai, the state has permanently settled approximately 500 Sinhala fisher families on land historically used by Tamil fishermen.¹

5. Construction of Buddhist Viharas and the Destruction of Shaiva Heritage

The "Buddhization" of the North and East is perhaps the most visible form of ongoing structural genocide. In areas where no Buddhists reside, the military and Department of Archaeology facilitate the construction of viharas on the sites of ancient Hindu (Shaiva) temples.¹

The acceleration of this project was underscored by high-level political commitments, including a promise made by Former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in a 2016 parliament announcement to build 1,000 Buddhist viharas across the Tamil homeland in the North and East. This initiative, further detailed in party manifestos, has been viewed by the Tamil community as a formalization of religious and cultural imperialism designed to dilute the indigenous identity of the region.

Specific sites of ongoing erasure include:

● Guru Kanda Rajamaha Vihara: Built on the site of the Neeraviyadi Pillayar Hindu shrine in Chemmalai with the support of the 593 Brigade.¹

● Arasadi Pillayar Temple: A Hindu temple in Kokkilai that was destroyed and replaced with a Buddhist temple.¹

● Kurunthurmalai: An ancient Shaiva site where a Buddhist stupa was built in defiance of multiple court orders.³³

● Lanka Patuna Samudragiri Vihara: Replaced the ancient Kunjumappa Periyasamy Temple in Trincomalee.¹

Currently Identified Archaeological Sites in the North and East (2009–2026)

The Department of Archaeology has become a central actor in the state's land-grabbing strategy. By designating areas as "archaeological protected monuments," the state can effectively seize land and prohibit its original inhabitants from returning.⁴

District	Site Name	Description / Current Status
Mullaitivu	Kurunthurmalai	Claimed as a Buddhist site; illegal stupa construction continues despite court orders.³⁴
Vavuniya	Vedukkunaari Hill	Claimed as Buddhist heritage; Tamil worshippers frequently assaulted and arrested.³⁵
Jaffna	Velanai Prehistoric Site	3,400-year-old remains found; used to establish archaeological control over tourist areas.³⁷
Trincomalee	Arisimalai (Kuchchaveli)	500-acre site designated as a Buddhist complex and archaeological reserve.¹
Trincomalee	Neelapola (Neelappalai)	Historically Tamil village renamed and designated as an archaeological site.¹
Ampara	Mullikulam Malai	1999 gazette activated post-2007 to displace Muslim and Tamil farmers.¹⁷
Ampara	Pulukunawa	Site of Raja Maha Vihara with caves and dagobas; restricted for minority access.³⁸
Mannar	Iranai Illuppaikkulam	Identified Shiva temple site currently under archaeological "survey".³⁹
Kilinochchi	Kantharodai	Ancient site where archaeological research is often framed within a Buddhist nationalist narrative.⁴⁰

List of Hindu Temples in Legal Dispute and Under State Threat

The following table provides details on specific Hindu temples that are currently in the judicial system or have been forcibly taken over by state agencies and Buddhist clergy.

Temple Name and Location	Case Number / Details	Source of Documents / Hyperlinks	Current Status
Kurunthurmalai Aathi Shivan Iyanar, Mullaitivu	Case No: AR/673/18 (Mullaitivu Magistrate Court). Ongoing since 2018.	(https://www.tamilguardian.com/content/contempt-court-kurunthurmalai-incident-archaeological-department-official-held-accountable) ³⁴	Court held Director General of Archaeology in contempt on Aug 31, 2023.³⁴
Vedukkunaari Malai Aathi Shivan, Vavuniya	Case involving arrests of 8 devotees on March 8, 2024. Dispute over monument damage.	(https://www.tamilguardian.com/content/sri-lankas-archaeology-department-claims-vedukkunaari-devotees-damaged-temple-antiquities) ³⁵	Temple leaders summoned by CTID as recently as Oct 9, 2025.³⁶
Valikamam North Land Seizure, Jaffna	CA Writ 125/2013 (Arunasalam Kunabalasingham vs. A. Sivaswamy) & CA Writ 135/2013.	CPA Case Archive ⁹	Challenged seizure of 6,381 acres for military base. Remains in legal limbo.⁹
Gazette No. 2430 Challenge, North-East	SC FR 112/2025 (M.A. Sumanthiran vs. AG). Filed June 12, 2025.	CPA Public Interest Litigation ⁵	Challenged the March 2025 "claim-or-lose" gazette. Gazette subsequently revoked.⁵
Chulipuram Paralai Murugan, Jaffna	Dispute over 'Sanghamitta Bodhiya' gazette claim.	(((https://www.cpalanka.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/The-Intersectional-Trends-of-Land-Conflicts-in-Sri-Lanka.pdf))) ¹⁷	Temple trustees blocking erection of Buddha idols on ancient premises.⁵
Mullikulam Malai, Addalaichenai	Legal dispute over Antiquities Act Sections 15 & 16.	(((https://www.cpalanka.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/The-Intersectional-Trends-of-Land-Conflicts-in-Sri-Lanka.pdf))) ¹⁷	Archaeological claims preventing return of landowners since 2007.¹⁷

Hindu Temples Claimed as Sinhala Archaeological Sites

A systematic effort is underway to rebrand ancient Shaiva and Hindu heritage as "Sinhala-Buddhist" to justify state occupation.

1. Lanka Patuna (Ilankaithurai Muhaththuvaram): Formerly the ancient Kunjumappa Periyasamy Temple. After the military captured the area in 2006, the Hindu temple was destroyed, and a large Buddha statue and the Lanka Patuna Samudragiri Vihara were built by the army.¹

2. Pashana Pabbatha Rajamaha Vihara (Kallady): Replaced the Sri Malai Neeliyamman temple. Returning Tamils are prohibited from reconstructing their place of worship, and the compound is guarded by police.¹

3. Seruwila Mangala Viharaya: Declared an Archaeological Reserve in 1962, it serves as the ideological hub for Sinhala ethno-religious claims in Trincomalee, displacing the local Veddah and Tamil historical presence.¹

4. Muhudu Maha Viharaya (Pottuvil): Land acquired for "public purpose" was gazetted as a "sacred area," displacing local Tamil and Muslim landowners and agriculturalists.⁵

5. Mayalakalli Hill (Irakkamam): A Buddhist temple was constructed on privately owned Tamil land in 2018 despite unanimous local opposition and lack of historical Buddhist context.¹⁷

The Urumaya Program and the Future of Land Control

In early 2024, the government launched the "Urumaya" (Heritage) program, aimed at granting freehold land titles to two million farmers.¹⁴ While presented as an empowerment scheme, organizations like MONLAR have warned that it may lead to large-scale land consolidation and the displacement of smallholder Tamil and Muslim farmers in the North-East.¹⁴ The program converts land permits into freehold deeds, making the land susceptible to "predatory markets" and "corporate land grabbing" for projects like Adani Green Energy's wind power initiatives.¹⁴

Critics argue that without addressing the underlying military occupation and the lack of political devolution under the 13th Amendment, programs like Urumaya only serve to legitimize previous illegal land grabs and facilitate the permanent transfer of Tamil homeland to external entities.¹⁴

Conclusion: The Imperative for International Accountability

The evidence compiled in this dossier demonstrates that the appropriation of land in the Tamil homeland is not a series of isolated administrative errors but a coherent and ongoing project of structural genocide. The state utilizes a sophisticated interplay of legislation, military force, and pseudo-archaeology to strip the Tamil people of their physical, economic, and cultural foundations.⁶

The "silencing of the weapons" in 2009 did not bring peace to the North and East; it brought a new, more insidious form of war—one fought with surveyors' transits and archaeological brushes. The systematic erasure of Hindu heritage, the establishment of illegal settlements, and the persistent military occupation of private land are all clear violations of International Humanitarian Law and the Rome Statute.⁶

International sanctions against Shavendra Silva, Wasantha Karannagoda, and others are a necessary first step, but they must be followed by more comprehensive measures.²³ The international community must:

1. Support a referral of Sri Lanka to the ICC to investigate both past and ongoing crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity.²⁴

2. Demand the full demilitarization of the Northern and Eastern provinces and the immediate return of all occupied land to its rightful owners.²²

3. Monitor the Department of Archaeology and other state agencies as participants in a project of ethnic cleansing and structural erasure.¹

4. Suspend all aid and trade benefits (such as GSP+) that are not explicitly tied to the restoration of land rights and the cessation of state-aided Sinhalization.²⁴

Closing Statement: The Urgent Mandate for Justice and the Risk of Aggression Charges

The Government of Sri Lanka must honor the persistent international calls for Tamil justice, as the failure to address past and ongoing violations continues to destabilize the prospects for lasting peace. This right to justice is not a matter of political convenience but a fundamental obligation that must be taken seriously by the state to break the cycle of impunity and foster a future of genuine healing.

The international community warns that the continued military-enforced occupation and demographic engineering in the Northern and Eastern provinces could lead to Sri Lanka facing additional liability under international law. Specifically, the "Crime of Aggression"—the jurisdiction for which was activated by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on July 17, 2018—prohibits the planning, initiation, or execution of acts involving military occupation and the annexation of territory by force. Given the ongoing nature of these violations in the Tamil homeland, there is a significant risk that state and military officials could be held accountable for this "supreme international crime" if a referral is initiated or if the state continues to enforce a unitary hegemony through the illegal appropriation of ancestral lands. The Tamil people’s right to their homeland is not merely a legal claim but a prerequisite for their survival as a distinct nation. As long as the Sri Lankan state continues its agenda of demographic engineering and cultural erasure, reconciliation will remain an impossibility.

In solidarity,

Wimal Navaratnam

Human Rights Advocate | ABC Tamil Oli (ECOSOC)

Email: tamilolicanada@gmail.com

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The Systematic Alteration of the Tamil Homeland: Land Appropriation, Cultural Erasure, and Structural Genocide in Sri Lanka (1950–2026)