The Supreme International Crime: Internal Aggression and the Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara

ENGLISH / தமிழ் (Tamil)

A Geopolitical Dossier on State-Led Demographic Engineering in the Tamil Homeland

Disclaimer

This dossier is provided for informational and independent legal assessment purposes. The analysis relies on publicly available documentation, field research from non-governmental organizations, and international legal scholarship. It does not constitute formal legal advice but serves as a framework for understanding state-sponsored demographic engineering under international criminal law.

Editor's Note

This report fully integrates all facts, timelines, stakeholder details, and legal framing while preserving original substance and citations. The analysis includes an enhanced comparative section regarding the Kurunthurmalai case, exploring the systemic synergy between archaeology, military labor, and the state's administrative apparatus.

Methodology

The findings in this report were compiled using a multi-layered research approach :

  • Documentary Analysis: Review of field reports from organizations such as the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), PEARL, and the Oakland Institute.
  • Stakeholder Mapping: Identifying the command structure of the Sri Lankan Ministry of Defence, the Civil Security Department (CSD), and the Security Forces Headquarters - Jaffna (SFHQ-J).
  • Legal Synthesis: Applying the principles of internal self-determination (Thimpu Principles, Vaddukoddai Resolution) to the thresholds of the Rome Statute.
  • Chronological Tracking: Utilizing official military announcements and local administrative records from 2018 to April 2026.

Preamble

The Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara serves as a significant intersection of religious architecture, military expansionism, and the contested sovereignty of a national minority within a unitary state. Located in Valikamam North, Jaffna, on a 12-acre site designated as a High Security Zone (HSZ) in the 1990s, the project has emerged as a primary case study for evaluating whether state-sponsored demographic alteration meets the threshold of "internal aggression". This development provides essential evidence of how a state's systematic use of force against a distinct national unit—aimed at eroding its political independence—requires rigorous re-evaluation under international criminal law.


The Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara incorporates at least six acres of private land belonging to fourteen displaced Tamil farming families. By analyzing the transition of a High Security Zone into a permanent site of Sinhala-Buddhist cultural consolidation, facilitated by the direct command of high-ranking military officers, the following assessment explores the "conduct," "leadership," and "manifest violation" elements of the crime of aggression.

The establishment of the Vihara represents a significant manifestation of "creeping annexation," a process where security pretexts are leveraged to create irreversible "facts on the ground" that preclude the exercise of internal self-determination by the Tamil people.

A Legal and Geopolitical Assessment of Demographic Engineering in Northern Sri Lanka

The Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara, a sprawling Buddhist complex constructed on a twelve-acre site in the Valikamam North region of the Jaffna District, serves as a pivotal focal point for evaluating the intersection of military occupation, state-sponsored religious architecture, and the systematic restructuring of demographic realities in post-war Sri Lanka.1 This development, which incorporates at least six acres of private land belonging to fourteen displaced Tamil farming families, has emerged as a primary case study for scholars and international legal observers examining the threshold of "internal aggression" under Article 8 bis of the Rome Statute 1, 2]. By analyzing the transition of a High Security Zone (HSZ) into a permanent site of Sinhala-Buddhist cultural consolidation, facilitated by the direct command of high-ranking military officers, the following assessment explores the "conduct," "leadership," and "manifest violation" elements of the crime of aggression 1, 3].

The establishment of the Vihara represents a significant manifestation of "creeping annexation," a process where security pretexts are leveraged to create irreversible "facts on the ground" that preclude the exercise of internal self-determination by the Tamil people 1, 4]. This assessment synthesizes historical grievances documented in the Vaddukoddai Resolution and Thimpu Principles with contemporary data from the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), the Oakland Institute, and international human rights bodies to demonstrate a province-wide pattern of state action 1, 56].

The Evolution of the Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara: From Military Exclusion to Cultural Consolidation

The geographical and political origin of the Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara is inseparable from the legacy of the thirty-year civil war. Located on the northern coast of the Jaffna Peninsula, the site was designated as part of a High Security Zone in the early 1990s.1 This designation resulted in the forced displacement of the local Tamil population and the subsequent conversion of agricultural land into a military exclusion zone managed by the Sri Lankan Army. Despite the end of active hostilities in May 2009, the military apparatus maintained effective control over the territory, preventing the return of original landowners and paving the way for a permanent religious transformation 1, 7].

Chronological Development and High-Level Directives

The transition from a military outpost to a major religious landmark was achieved through a series of phased operations, beginning in earnest in 2018. The institutional synergy between the Northern Governor’s office, the Ministry of Defence, and the Security Forces Headquarters - Jaffna (SFHQ-J) indicates that the construction was not a localized initiative but a state-sanctioned policy 1, 8].

Phase of Establishment

Key Date

Stakeholders and Operational Milestones

Foundation Stone Placement

Aug 22, 2018

Ceremony conducted by then-Northern Governor Reginald Cooray on contested private land.1

Initial Statue Unveiling

Nov 3, 2020

Defence Secretary Kamal Gunaratne unveiled the central Buddha statue in a Colombo-based ceremony.1

Stupa Expansion

Feb 2, 2021

General Shavendra Silva (Chief of Defence Staff) laid the cornerstone for a 100ft stupa as the chief guest.1

Pinnacle Placing

Apr 27, 2023

Ceremony presided over by SFHQ-J Commander Major General Swarna Bothota under military patronage 1, 8].

Official Consecration

2023

Consecration completed under heavy military cordons designed to suppress local civilian protests.1

Sacred Pinnacle Placing

May 23, 2024

Major General Wickramasinghe placed the Sacred Pinnacle at Tissa Viharaya during Vesak commemorations 1, 9].

Katina Pooja Rituals

Oct 18, 2024

Event patronized by the Jaffna Commander and the Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) Thanabala.1

The involvement of the military in religious construction is explicitly documented in official state communications. The SFHQ-J website confirms that the "Stupa was re-constructed on the admonition of the Commander Security Forces (Jaffna)" and that the work was "completed with the unstinting efforts of the troops".8 This direct employment of military labor on private land seized under security pretexts reinforces the argument that the Vihara is a tool of state-led demographic reconfiguration rather than a genuine site of local worship 1, 10].

The Context of Valikamam North and the 1990 Displacement

To understand the gravity of the Thaiyiddy case, the analysis must account for the specific history of Valikamam North. The area was historically the agricultural heartland of the Jaffna Peninsula.1 When the HSZ was established in 1990, thousands of families were moved into internally displaced person (IDP) camps, where many have remained for over three decades 1, 7]. The use of these families' ancestral land for the construction of a Buddhist monument, in a region where the population is overwhelmingly Tamil Hindu, is viewed as a form of cultural overwriting 1, 10].

Stakeholder Analysis and the Leadership Clause of Article 8 bis

Under Article 8 bis of the Rome Statute, the crime of aggression is defined as a leadership crime. It requires identifying individuals in a "position effectively to exercise control over or to direct the political or military action of a State" 1, 211]. The Thaiyiddy Vihara project demonstrates a direct link to the highest echelons of the Sri Lankan security apparatus, involving officers who have faced credible international allegations and sanctions for gross violations of human rights 1, 12].

Sanctioned and Accused Military Leadership

The involvement of high-ranking officers who directed the Vihara project provides the necessary "leadership" element for an assessment under international criminal law. These individuals did not merely observe the process but actively commissioned, funded, and presided over the project’s milestones.1

       General Shavendra Silva: Former Chief of Defence Staff and Army Commander. Silva was the commander of the 58th Division during the final stages of the civil war in 2009, a unit implicated in summary executions and extrajudicial killings 13, 1415]. On March 24, 2025, the UK government imposed sanctions on Silva, including an asset freeze and travel ban, citing his responsibility for serious violations of the right to life 16, 17, 18]. His direct participation in laying the cornerstone for the Thaiyiddy stupa reinforces the state-military-Buddhist nexus.1

       General Kamal Gunaratne: Secretary to the Ministry of Defence. Gunaratne commanded the 53rd Division in 2009, which is also credibly accused of mass atrocities and summary executions 1, 1920]. As the administrative head of the defense ministry, he directed the labor of the Civil Security Department (CSD) and Army troops for religious expansion in the North 1, 21].

       Major General Swarna Bothota: Former Commander of SFHQ-J. Bothota presided over the 2023 pinnacle ceremony.1 While serving as the Defence Attache in the UK, he faced significant legal pressure and calls for arrest from the Tamil diaspora and human rights groups regarding his alleged role as commander of the 1st Reconnaissance Regiment during the war.22

       Major General Senarath Bandara: Former SFHQ-J Commander who directed early consecration activities in 2020. Bandara served as a frontline commander of the 57th Division and has been named in UN reports as an individual requiring investigation for international crimes 1, 21].

       Chandra Nirmal Wakishta: Former Director of the National Intelligence Bureau and retired senior police officer. As president of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress (ACBC), Wakishta has been a primary advocate for expanding the Vihara onto an additional 8 acres of private land, using his intelligence and police background to formalize land acquisitions.1

Sanctioned Individual

Sanctioning Authority

Date of Designation

Specific Statement of Reasons

Shavendra Silva

UK (FCDO)

March 24, 2025

Responsible for activities amounting to serious violations of the right to life; commander of the 58th Division.12

Jagath Jayasuriya

UK (FCDO)

March 24, 2025

Responsible for extrajudicial killings and torture as Security Force Commander in Vanni (2007-2009).12

Wasantha Karannagoda

UK (FCDO)

March 24, 2025

Responsible for illegal killings and torture as Commander of the Navy.12

Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan

UK (FCDO)

March 24, 2025

Direct involvement in illegal killings and torture as leader of the Karuna Group.12

The presence of these individuals in the leadership of the Thaiyiddy project indicates that the construction of the Vihara was a continuation of military-led strategic objectives in the North-East.1 The use of sanctioned officers to oversee the transformation of private land into religious property highlights the state’s disregard for international norms regarding minority rights and territorial integrity 1, 10].

Comparative Analysis: Systemic Replication of Vihara Construction

The Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara is not an isolated incident but part of an island-wide operation designed to alter the demographic and cultural character of the Tamil homeland 1, 5]. This pattern involves a "tripartite alliance" of the Department of Archaeology, the military/CSD, and the Buddhist clergy.1

Case Comparison: Kurunthurmalai vs. Thaiyiddy

The comparison between Kurunthurmalai (Mullaitivu District) and Thaiyiddy (Jaffna District) reveals how the state adapts its mechanisms of "creeping annexation" to different local pretexts while maintaining a unified strategic outcome.1

Dimension of Comparison

Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara

Kurunthurmalai (Kurundi)

Primary Mechanism

Military occupation legacy (HSZ transition).1

Archaeological reclassification of existing Hindu sites.1

Land Tenure Conflict

Compact 12-acre site; 6 acres of private land (14 families).1

Expansion from 78-acre reserve toward 400+ acres of Tamil farmland.1

Judicial Resistance

Local council and Divisional Secretariat reports of illegality.1

Repeated Magistrate Court orders (2018-2023) specifically removal of structures.23

Leadership Profile

High-visibility, sanctioned military generals.1

Synergy between Archaeology Dept, CSD, and Sinhala nationalist monks.1

Status of Worship

Conversion of former residential/farm land; displaced Vairavar Kovil.1

Overwriting of the ancient Aathi Aiyanar Kovil (Tamil Hindu shrine).1

2025-2026 Outcome

Permanent, military-guarded Buddhist complex.1

Judicial collapse after Judge Saravanarajah’s resignation and flight.10

The Kurunthurmalai case is particularly significant for its illustration of the "scale" and "gravity" criteria of the manifest violation.1 In July 2025, a Sinhala Buddhist monk, Walahahengunawewe Dhammaratana, alleged in a formal complaint to the CID that archaeological artifacts had been planted at the site to manufacture Buddhist historical links and justify the seizure of 300 acres of adjacent land 23]. This evidence of "archaeological fabrication" demonstrates the lengths to which state actors go to provide a veneer of legitimacy for demographic engineering.23

Other Notable Parallel Sites

       Vedukkunari Malai (Vavuniya): This site involves the reclassification of a functioning ancient Tamil Hindu temple as an archaeological reserve. State enforcement has included police raids and the arrest of devotees, aiming to erase Tamil religious names and artifacts.1

       Manikkamadu (Ampara): At Mayalakkalli Hill, a Buddha statue was installed on private land in 2016. Despite court injunctions, the Department of Archaeology seized the land, and a permanent Vihara was established with the support of state-aligned monks.1

       Kuchchaveli/Trincomalee Sites: Reports from the Oakland Institute in 2024 and 2025 document the rapid "Buddhization" of strategic coastal areas.5 In the Kuchchaveli division, at least 26 viharas have been established, many in areas where there is no local Buddhist population, effectively creating a "Buddhist corridor" that severs the territorial contiguity between the Northern and Eastern Provinces.5

Legal Analysis: Internal Aggression and Forcible Deprivation of Self-Determination

The core legal argument for the "Crime of Aggression" in the context of Thaiyiddy is based on the "forcible deprivation" of the Tamil people's right to internal self-determination 1, 27]. While Article 8 bis has traditionally focused on inter-state aggression, contemporary legal scholarship argues for its application to internal situations where the use of state force is directed at eroding the political independence of a distinct national unit.1

The Rights of the Tamil People as a National Unit

The Tamil people’s status as a distinct nation is supported by historical mandates that emphasize their identification with a specific territory (the homeland) and their right to govern their own affairs 1, 29].

1.     The Vaddukoddai Resolution (May 14, 1976): This resolution, unanimously adopted by the Tamil leadership, identified the Northern and Eastern Provinces as the traditional homeland of the Tamils.30 It accused successive governments of using "planned and state-aided Sinhalese colonization" to make Tamils a minority in their own homeland.31 The resolution called for the "restoration and reconstitution" of a free, sovereign state based on the inherent right of self-determination.31

2.     The Thimpu Principles (1985): During Indian-mediated talks, six Tamil organizations put forward four "cardinal principles": recognition of the Tamils as a nation, an identified homeland, the right to self-determination, and the right to citizenship for all Tamils.33 The Tamil delegation argued that without a homeland, "we shall cease to exist as a people due to the process of assimilation, integration and ultimate annihilation".29

If the Tamil people are recognized as a "people" within the meaning of international law, then military-led demographic restructuring is an act of aggression against the "political independence" of that unit.1 The "character, gravity, and scale" of the violation in Thaiyiddy—where the state uses its military command to permanently alienate land and settle external populations—constitutes a manifest violation of the UN Charter's protections for the rights of peoples.1

The Limits of Domestic Remedies and the Flight of the Judiciary

A critical component of the "internal aggression" framework is the exhaustion or failure of domestic remedies.1 The case of Mullaitivu District Judge T. Saravanarajah provides the most compelling evidence of this failure.10

Judicial Milestones at Kurunthurmalai

Date

Specific Legal Context and Repercussions

Landmark Order

July 14, 2022

Judge Saravanarajah ordered the removal of all new Buddhist constructions at the site.1

Contempt Findings

Aug 31, 2023

Court held the Archaeology Department accountable for defying orders and continuing construction.1

AG Summons

Sep 21, 2023

Attorney General Sanjay Rajaratnam allegedly summoned the judge to pressure him to reverse his rulings.10

Parliamentary Threat

July-Aug 2023

MP Sarath Weerasekera criticized the judge in Parliament, calling him "mentally ill" and stating he had no right to question "Buddhist heritage".10

Resignation and Flight

Sep 23, 2023

Judge Saravanarajah resigned and fled the country, citing death threats and a reduction in his security detail.10

The flight of Judge Saravanarajah demonstrates that the Sri Lankan state’s security and political apparatuses are actively utilized to suppress the rule of law when it interferes with the policy of demographic change.10 For international legal observers, this indicates that the state is not merely engaged in local land disputes but is directing a coordinated "military action" against the legal and territorial foundations of the Tamil people.1

Administrative Dispossession: Legislative Tools and 2025-2026 Projections

The physical construction of viharas is supported by a suite of legislative and administrative tools designed to finalize land transfers and extinguish traditional rights 23]. This "administrative synergy" is viewed as a mechanism of aggression that operates without the need for active kinetic warfare.23

The "Bim Saviya" Act (Registration of Title Act No. 21 of 1998)

This act facilitates "digital dispossession" by effectively repealing personal inheritance laws like Thesavalamai for Tamils and Sharia for Muslims.23 It requires land to be registered in a single name, eliminating the traditional "Ande" (paddy cultivation rights) and communal co-ownership models.23 In war-affected areas where documents were lost, land is often categorized as having "unascertained" ownership and vested in the state.23 Critically, the law removes judicial remedies, replacing land restitution with an "Assurance Fund" that offers only monetary compensation—ensuring that state-seized land can never be returned to the original owners.23

The Land Settlement Ordinance and Gazette Extraordinary No. 2430 (2025)

On March 28, 2025, the state issued Gazette Extraordinary No. 2430, which utilized the Land Settlement Ordinance of 1931 to mass-appropriate lands categorized as "forest, waste, unoccupied, or uncultivated".23 The notice targeted 5,940 acres across the Northern Province, including 1,702 acres in Mullaitivu and 3,669 acres in Jaffna.23 Claimants were given a restrictive three-month window to prove ownership.23 Although widespread civil resistance led to the revocation of the gazette on May 27, 2025, the underlying legal framework remains a constant threat to territorial integrity.23

The Kivul Oya Development Project (January 2026 Revival)

The revival of the Kivul Oya project under the Mahaweli "L" Scheme in January 2026 represents a major escalation in state-driven demographic engineering.6 The project, which had been stalled for years, aims to settle over 7,000 Sinhalese settlers in a zone that geographically splits the Northern and Eastern Provinces. 23

Project Metric

Impact and Relevance to the Aggression Framework

Land Confiscation

Seizure of 1,615 acres of paddy land belonging to Tamil farmers in Uththarayankulam and Kanchuramottai. 23

Settlement Plans

7,000+ Sinhalese settlers projected by 2031; zero land allocations for local Tamils. 23

Environmental Loss

Destruction of 2,500 hectares of forestland, worsening human-elephant conflict in Mullaitivu. 38

Cultural Heritage

Submerging of ancient Tamil villages that are now water retention zones for the proposed reservoir.38

Cost

Rs. 23,456 million investment from the central government, bypassing provincial autonomy.23

The CPA has stated that the Kivul Oya revival signifies a continuation of ethno-nationalist policies that tamper with ownership in ethnically mixed regions, risking the reignition of conflict.6 This strategic settlement of thousands of individuals into a minority area meets the "scale" requirement for an act of aggression, as it permanently alters the demographic character of the region.1

The International Sanctions Response and its Geopolitical Context

The March 2025 UK sanctions against four key Sri Lankan figures highlight the international community's recognition of the role of high-level commanders in sustaining a culture of impunity and directing violations that continue to impact communities.12

Rationale for Sanctions Against Silva and Gunaratne

Human Rights Watch and the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) have extensively documented that individuals like Shavendra Silva and Kamal Gunaratne remain in positions of significant power despite credible allegations of mass atrocity crimes.14 The UK sanctions are intended to provide accountability where "the relevant jurisdiction’s law enforcement authorities have been unable or unwilling" to do so.20

The ITJP dossiers published in 2019 and the 2021 UN reports illustrate that instead of being investigated, these commanders were promoted to administrative roles where they oversee land and resource management.20 This promotion allows them to use the military to enforce the "Buddhization" of the North-East, satisfying the "leadership" criteria of Article 8 bis by exercising control over state policy.1

Geopolitical Implications: The "Strategic Religious Corridor"

The cluster of these viharas in strategic coastal and inland areas suggests a geopolitical objective beyond religious devotion. The Oakland Institute identifies these land grabs as an effort to ensure that the Northern and Eastern Provinces—considered the historical homeland of the Tamil people—are geographically separated and demographically integrated into the majority Sinhala structure.5 The use of the "military-archaeology-clergy" alliance allows the state to maintain a high security presence in minority areas without maintaining the formal "High Security Zone" designation, which is subject to international criticism.1

Synthesis: Thaiyiddy and the Reconstruction of the Crime of Aggression

The Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara serves as a physical manifestation of a broader state policy that meets the essential criteria of "internal aggression."

1.     Character of the Act: The weaponization of religious architecture and archaeological pretexts to alienate private land and settle external populations is a form of demographic warfare.1

2.     Gravity of the Act: The total displacement of farming families, the destruction of existing cultural shrines, and the suppression of judicial independence (as seen in the Saravanarajah case) represent a severe violation of the fundamental rights of a national unit.1

3.     Scale of the Act: The replication of this model across Kurunthurmalai, Vedukkunari Malai, and the Kivul Oya project indicates a province-wide operation that targets thousands of acres and thousands of people.1

4.     Leadership Control: The project was directed, funded, and presided over by sanctioned military generals in effective control of the state's security apparatus.1

The case of Thaiyiddy demonstrates that the state is not merely protecting "archaeological heritage" but is actively restructuring the demographic and cultural fabric of the Jaffna Peninsula 1, 5]. This restructuring serves to make the exercise of internal self-determination—as defined in the Thimpu Principles—physically and demographically impossible.1

Conclusion: Synthesis of International Criminal Responsibility

The Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara stands as damning proof of the Sri Lankan state’s calculated and systematic campaign of demographic engineering and cultural erasure in the Tamil homeland. The direct involvement of the nation’s most senior military commanders—including individuals sanctioned for war crimes such as General Shavendra Silva and General Kamal Gunaratne—satisfies the "leadership" requirement of Article 8 bis of the Rome Statute and exposes the highest echelons of state power as the architects of this violation.

By weaponizing the Ministry of Defence, the Civil Security Department, and the Department of Archaeology to seize ancestral Tamil lands and impose a permanent Buddhist presence, the Sri Lankan state has executed a manifest assault on the Tamil people’s fundamental right to internal self-determination. This is a deliberate act of internal aggression that dismantles the political independence and territorial integrity of a distinct national unit. Far from promoting reconciliation, these actions constitute a profound betrayal of peace and a dangerous subversion of the international legal order.

The collapse of judicial independence, highlighted by the flight of Judge Saravanarajah in 2023, confirms that domestic mechanisms are incapable of delivering justice. The Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara case issues an urgent demand for international intervention: immediate accountability for the perpetrators, the restoration of land to the displaced Tamil families, and the protection of the collective destiny of the Tamil people under international law.

Watch Video: "The Supreme International Crime: Internal Aggression and the Thaiyiddy Tisa Vihara"




     In solidarity,

     Wimal Navaratnam

     Human Rights Defender |Independent Researcher | ABC Tamil Oli (ECOSOC)

      Email: tamilolicanada@gmail.com



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