Justice Beyond Corruption: Accountability and Tamil Rights in Sri Lanka

Abstract

This dossier evaluates Sri Lanka’s post-2024 political and legal environment, noting major anti-corruption reforms and prosecutions under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the NPP administration. Despite these gains, ongoing issues—such as prosecutorial delays, selective immunity, and flaws in state procurement—persist.

The report documents significant setbacks in human rights, including continued use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and Online Safety Act to suppress dissent, restrict civic space, and target minorities.

State-driven land expropriation in the Northern and Eastern Provinces further marginalizes Tamil and Muslim communities, impeding reconciliation.

The dossier stresses that anti-corruption alone cannot substitute for transitional justice, urging statutory reform, demilitarization, rights-based conditions on aid, and international accountability to ensure lasting progress.

Disclaimer

Notice: This advocacy dossier is produced for policy analysis, research, and diplomatic engagement purposes. The information, analysis, and policy assessments contained herein are compiled from verifiable public records, official government records, United Nations reports, legal statutes, and accredited civil society reporting up to August 2026. While every effort has been made to ensure analytical rigor and objective verification, this document does not constitute formal legal counsel. Interpretations of international human rights law, statutory provisions, and constitutional frameworks reflect independent analytical methodologies tailored for human rights advocacy.

Editor's Note

Contextual Framing: The election of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the National People's Power (NPP) administration in late 2024 marked an unprecedented shift in Sri Lanka's political landscape. This dossier provides an objective dual-track evaluation of the administration's trajectory through mid-2026. On one hand, it acknowledges historic anti-corruption benchmarks and financial enforcement actions; on the other, it critically examines ongoing human rights contradictions, security law abuses, state-sponsored demographic shifts, and unresolved transitional justice obligations in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

The purpose of this report is to offer international policymakers, United Nations delegates, human rights defenders, and civil society coalitions a rigorous, evidence-based instrument for constructive engagement and principled policy conditionality.

Methodology

This advocacy dossier was developed using a multi-tiered legal and qualitative research methodology designed to evaluate state compliance with international human rights standards, domestic statutory frameworks, and multilateral commitments:

● Primary Statutory & Executive Analysis: Direct analysis of Sri Lankan legislation, executive orders, and gazettes enacted between 2024 and 2026, including the Proceeds of Crime Act (April 2025), the President’s Entitlement (Repeal) Bill (September 2025), the Online Safety Act, and the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

● Judicial & Enforcement Case Monitoring: Documentation of high-profile prosecutorial actions, anti-corruption proceedings, CIABOC filings, Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) arrests, and Supreme Court rulings concerning financial governance and economic default.

● Geospatial & Field Documentation: Integration of verified field data, regional land records, and community mapping across the Trincomalee, Vavuniya, and Mullaitivu Districts to evaluate land expropriation vectors by state departments (Forest Department, Department of Archaeology, Mahaweli Authority).

● Multilateral Oversight Tracking: Systematic review of United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolutions—specifically Resolution 57/1 (October 2024)—alongside reports from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the Sri Lanka Accountability Project (SLAP).

● Triangulation: All factual claims and case studies were cross-verified through independent human rights organizations, legal aid networks, local civil society monitors, and verified media archives.

Justice Beyond Corruption: Accountability and Tamil Rights in Sri Lanka

Advocacy Dossier: Commending Anti-Corruption Progress and Addressing Critical Human Rights, Transitional Justice, and Minority Safeguards in Sri Lanka

Acknowledgment of Executive Leadership and Anti-Corruption Achievements

This advocacy dossier formally commends the executive leadership of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the National People's Power (NPP) administration for demonstrating political will in launching a comprehensive anti-corruption drive following their election in late 2024. The administration’s victory reflected a decisive mandate from a public exhausted by systemic financial mismanagement, public sector waste, and political impunity that precipitated the 2022 economic collapse. In its initial period in office, the leadership has instituted tangible legal, institutional, and prosecutorial measures that signal a departure from the historical tolerance of high-level graft.

The establishment of enhanced anti-corruption infrastructure represents a significant achievement. The appointment of a retired High Court Judge as Director General of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) in January 2025, combined with the re-establishment of the police Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID), revitalized long-stalled financial crime inquiries. Furthermore, the passage of the Proceeds of Crime Act in April 2025 provided state agencies with legal powers to directly trace, freeze, and confiscate illicitly acquired assets.

These structural measures yielded landmark enforcement actions:

● Historic Executive Arrest: On August 22, 2025, the Financial Crimes Investigation Division arrested former President Ranil Wickremesinghe on allegations of misusing state funds, marking the first detention of an executive head of state in Sri Lanka's post-independence history.

● Targeting Legacy Impunity: Indictments were served against senior figures of former ruling families for money laundering, accompanied by judicial convictions resulting in custodial sentences of up to 25 years for ex-ministers charged with misappropriation.

● Institutional Oversight & Perks Reform: Institutional accountability was further demonstrated by the dismissal of high-ranking police officials for failing to act on advance warnings regarding the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, the parliamentary impeachment of the Inspector General of Police for gross misconduct, and the enactment of the President’s Entitlement (Repeal) Bill in September 2025 to dismantle excessive perks for former presidents.

While these initial measures establish a critical precedent for executive accountability, sustained progress requires expanding these standards across all branches of governance, addressing institutional selectivity, and matching anti-corruption resolve with equal dedication to human rights, judicial independence, and historic reconciliation. Crucially, an anti-corruption agenda cannot serve as a substitute for comprehensive transitional justice; genuine state reform must directly address the rights and grievances of all victims of the war, particularly Tamil victims and families of the disappeared who continue to call for truth, reparations, land restitution, and international accountability for mass conflict-era atrocities.

Systemic Challenges and Selectivity in Financial Governance

Despite commendable advancements in targeting legacy financial crimes, independent analysts and civil society organizations observe persistent vulnerabilities regarding political selectivity and institutional momentum. The government's anti-corruption agenda faces structural inertia within state bureaucracies and significant political tests when allegations touch active government figures.

A primary area of concern involves the selective shielding of current administration officials. While CIABOC staff authorized indictments against sitting Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody for alleged fund misappropriation dating to 2015, extensive legal maneuvers delayed formal charges, culminating in the administration opposing an April 2026 parliamentary no-confidence motion against the minister. This decision drew criticism from anti-corruption advocates who caution that defending political allies damages the credibility of state anti-graft initiatives. Furthermore, despite clear judicial rulings from the Supreme Court identifying key political figures responsible for the 2022 debt default, several high-profile members of former executive dynasties have yet to face direct criminal prosecution for economic mismanagement.

Governance Domain	Enacted Reforms & Enforcement Actions	Remaining Systemic Deficits & Challenges
Prosecutorial Framework	Enactment of Proceeds of Crime Act (April 2025); revitalization of CIABOC and FCID.	Lack of an Independent Prosecutor's Office; delays in processing allegations against active government ministers.
High-Profile Accountability	Arrest of ex-President Wickremesinghe; convictions of former ministers with sentences up to 25 years.	Absence of criminal indictments against senior political leaders judicially linked to the 2022 default.
Institutional Integrity	Dismissal of negligent security officials; impeachment of Inspector General of Police for gross misconduct.	Resistance from entrenched bureaucratic networks loyal to former political regimes.
Public Asset Protection	Passage of President's Entitlement (Repeal) Bill (Sept 2025); direct asset freezing mechanisms.	Irregularities in government procurement processes for coal, vehicles, and passports.

The ultimate success of Sri Lanka's anti-corruption framework depends on transitioning from ad hoc prosecutions to systemic, impartial enforcement that applies equally to past state figures and active administration members.

Human Rights Regressions and Security Law Contradictions

The progress observed in anti-corruption policy stands in stark contrast to the administration's human rights record, where abusive state practices remain entrenched. Despite campaign promises to abolish oppressive legislation—including the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)—the security apparatus continues to employ draconian measures against civic activists, journalists, and minority populations.

The ongoing application of the PTA demonstrates a troubling continuity in state repression:

● Arbitrary Detention of Minorities: In March 2025, Mohamed Rusdi, a 20-year-old Muslim salesman from Colombo, was arrested after affixing a small sticker expressing solidarity with Gaza on public property. Rather than handling the matter under minor municipal codes, the Terrorism Investigation Division (TID) detained Rusdi under a 90-day PTA detention order on allegations of harboring extremist views.

● Criminalization of Memorialization: In the Northern Province, a Tamil father was arrested under the PTA for sharing a social media post commemorating a fallen war dead leader, illustrating how anti-terror provisions are routinely deployed to criminalize minority expression and historical memory.

● Custodial Abuse & Digital Censorship: Civic space is further constrained by police misconduct and repressive digital legislation. In early 2025, a 26-year-old Sinhalese man died in police custody following allegations of severe physical torture, highlighting unaddressed systemic violence within law enforcement. Simultaneously, the Online Safety Act, enacted in early 2024, remains active, providing broad state authority to suppress online dissent, restrict legitimate reporting, and create a chilling effect across civil society.

These ongoing practices undermine the democratic legitimacy achieved through anti-corruption achievements.

UNHRC Mandates and Multilateral Engagement

International scrutiny regarding Sri Lanka's human rights compliance and accountability obligations remains centered on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). On October 9, 2024, during its 57th session, the UNHRC adopted Resolution 57/1 (A/HRC/RES/57/1) without a vote. Co-sponsored by international partners including Canada, the United Kingdom, the United States, Malawi, Montenegro, and North Macedonia, Resolution 57/1 extended the mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the evidence-gathering capacity established under Resolution 51/1, known as the Sri Lanka Accountability Project (SLAP).

The official stance of the Sri Lankan government regarding Resolution 57/1 demonstrates continued resistance to international legal frameworks. Through its Permanent Representative in Geneva, the administration rejected the resolution, asserting that external evidence-gathering mechanisms infringe upon national sovereignty and stating a preference for domestic reconciliation processes. While the interim executive allowed the resolution to pass without demanding a formal vote to avoid international friction, it explicitly disassociated Sri Lanka from the OHCHR report and its accountability mechanisms.

Human rights organizations emphasize that domestic legal processes in Sri Lanka have historically lacked independence and victim trust. The continuation of the SLAP mechanism under Resolution 57/1 remains essential for preserving, analyzing, and consolidating evidence of gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law for future universal jurisdiction proceedings.

Historical Atrocities, Demilitarization, and Tamil Land Rights

A durable peace in Sri Lanka requires directly addressing unresolved war crimes, mass atrocities, and the ongoing structural marginalization of the Tamil population. Over 200,000 individuals were killed during the 26-year civil conflict that ended in May 2009, yet successive governments have failed to establish credible mechanisms for truth, justice, or reparations. Thousands of victims of enforced disappearances remain unaccounted for, while mass graves discovered across the North and East continue without rigorous, independent forensic analysis.

The current administration has largely prioritized economic management over political devolution or minority rights, attempting to address historical grievances through economic framing rather than political self-determination or constitutional reform. Meanwhile, state-sponsored land expropriation and demographic shifts—frequently characterized as Sinhalization—have accelerated across traditional Tamil and Muslim homelands. State departments, including the Forest Department, the Department of Archaeology, and the Mahaweli Authority, alongside security forces, continue to expropriate land under the pretext of environmental conservation, archaeological protection, or economic development.

Location / Region	Expropriation Vector	Primary State Instigator	Impact on Local Minorities
Trincomalee District (Kuchchaveli DS Division)	Over 50% of DS Division land expropriated; 3,887 acres allocated for 26 newly built Buddhist viharas.	Department of Archaeology, state development authorities, armed forces.	Demographic shift establishing a 27% Sinhalese population occupying 36% of district land; loss of traditional agricultural and coastal livelihoods.
Vavuniya District (Vedukkunaari Adi Shiva Temple)	Coercive takeover of ancient Tamil Hindu worship site; construction of Buddhist structures under military escort.	Sri Lankan military units, Sinhala-Buddhist clergy, state archaeological officers.	Restriction of religious freedom; harassment and criminalization of local Tamil worshippers.
Mullaitivu District (Kurundi Sacred Complex)	Encroachment on historical non-Buddhist sites; military protection for illegal construction.	Armed forces, Department of Archaeology.	Desecration of indigenous heritage; systematic erasure of Tamil historical presence.
Northern & Eastern Commands	Stationing of 5 out of 7 national military regional headquarters in minority-dense provinces.	Sri Lanka Army, Ministry of Defence.	Continued military occupation; suppression of civic mobilization; prevention of IDP land returns.

The persistent military presence in the North and East enables these land grabs, deprives local populations of economic self-sufficiency, and disrupts the spatial continuity of traditional Tamil settlements. Reconciliation cannot occur while the state deploys its security and civilian institutions to alter the demographic and religious character of minority regions.

Policy Recommendations for Structural Reform

Recommendations for the Government of Sri Lanka

1. Abolish Oppressive Security Laws: Repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in full accordance with campaign commitments, replace it only with international standard-compliant legislation, and immediately release all individuals detained under the PTA for non-violent political expression or peaceful dissent.

2. Ensure Impartial Anti-Corruption Prosecutions: Guarantee total operational independence for CIABOC, ensuring that asset recovery measures and criminal indictments are pursued impartially against both past executive figures and active cabinet ministers.

3. Halt Demographic Engineering & Demilitarize the North-East: Cease all state-sponsored land expropriation executed by the Department of Archaeology, Forest Department, and security forces in the Northern and Eastern Provinces; restore occupied religious sites to local communities; and commence a structured demilitarization process.

4. Cooperate with International Accountability Mechanisms: Fully engage with the UNHRC and OHCHR under Resolution 57/1, facilitate access for international human rights rapporteurs, and establish a credible, victim-centered transitional justice mechanism to address civil war atrocities.

5. Protect Civic Space: Repeal or amend the Online Safety Act to safeguard freedom of expression, digital rights, and independent press operations, while enforcing zero tolerance for torture or extrajudicial abuse in police custody.

Recommendations for UN Member States and International Partners

1. Maintain Evidence-Gathering Infrastructure: Sustain full diplomatic and financial support for the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project (SLAP) under Resolution 57/1 to ensure the preservation of evidence for future international justice initiatives.

2. Apply Conditionality to Financial and Trade Assistance: Condition international trade concessions (e.g., EU GSP+ preferences), bilateral development assistance, and financial assistance packages on measurable human rights benchmarks, including PTA repeal and a verified halt to land grabs in minority regions.

3. Exercise Universal Jurisdiction: Initiate criminal inquiries and apply universal jurisdiction principles in national courts against Sri Lankan military and political leaders credibly accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and gross human rights violations.

In solidarity,

Wimal Navaratnam

Human Rights Defender |Independent Researcher | ABC Tamil Oli (ECOSOC)

Email: tamilolicanada@gmail.com

Intended audience and use Audience: Policymakers, international legal bodies, human rights investigators, forensic researchers, advocacy organizations, and affected communities.

Use: Executive Summary and timeline for rapid briefing; consolidated legal framework for legal assessment; appendices for source verification and methodological transparency.

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